[Pakistan's stand on FMCT is virtually a mirror image of India's stand
on CTBT: We're all for global nuclear disarmament, but against a
*partial* measure that is, by its very nature, *discriminatory*.
Quite *reasonable*, on the face of it.
That can hardly be denied.

Two more points.

One: "In fact, India’s hegemonic designs, intentions, capabilities and
 allocation of more than $ 100 billion for purchase of conventional
 weapons and to develop nukes have forced Pakistan to rely more on
 nuclear weapons and less on conventional military capability to
 balance Indian military muscle. Therefore, without dealing with
 genuine security issues of Pakistan it would be rather impossible for
 Pakistan to discuss Fissile Materials Cut-off Treaty."
If that be really the case, the inclusion of pre-existing stock of
fissile materials within the scope of the proposed treaty would hardly
suffice.
To rectify this "imbalance", what'd be required is global disarmament
- nuclear and conventional. Nothing less.
Till then, no progress.

Two.
My gut feeling is that if, by any fluke, Pakistan drops its objection,
then India would come into the picture to replace Pakistan mouthing
essentially the same or very similar arguments - the theme song being
"non-discrimination".
Even in case of the CTBT, the Indian objections came almost at the
very end, virtually out of the blue.]

Pakistan and India’s position on FMCT

http://pakobserver.net/pakistan-and-indias-position-on-fmct/

March 25, 2017

Mohammad Jamil

A fissile material cut-off treaty (FMCT) is a proposed international
agreement that would prohibit the production of the two main
components of nuclear weapons: highly-enriched uranium (HEU), and
plutonium. Discussions on this subject are being held within the UN
Conference on Disarmament (CD), a body of 65 member nations
established as the sole multilateral negotiating forum on disarmament.
CD requires consensus for action to take place; therefore as a
consequence formal negotiations for an FMCT have not started, though
preliminary discussions are ongoing. Those nations that joined nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as non-weapon states are already
prohibited from producing or acquiring fissile material for weapons.
However, an FMCT would provide new restrictions for five recognized
nuclear weapon states, United States, Russia, UK, France, and China,
and for the four nations that are not NPT members ie Israel, India,
Pakistan, and North Korea.

In order for negotiations to begin on an FMCT, Pakistan will have to
remove its opposition vote, and then a consensus to move forward with
negotiations could be reached. Pakistan has been primarily concerned
that it would be in a disadvantageous position relative to India’s
nuclear stockpile. Consequently, Islamabad would like an FMCT to
include current fissile material stockpiles, instead of just capping
future production, a position shared by several other countries. It
supported the December 1993 UN General Assembly resolution and Shannon
Mandate (1995) but with the caveat to take into account the existing
stocks of fissile material. Though pressure on international community
especially US is building that it should make Pakistan agree to
initiate negotiations on FMCT. Pakistan’s reluctance to sign the
treaty is also attributed to the discriminatory policies of the West
on civilian nuclear cooperation.

Pakistan’s position on FMCT is determined by the national security
interests and the objectives of strategic stability in South Asia, as
growing conventional imbalance and absence of arms control regime to
avoid an arms race are its main concerns. Pakistan, as a responsible
nuclear weapon state, has always played its part to achieve the
objective of a peaceful world. Pakistan had also supported the United
Nations General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 48/75L of December 16, 1993
which recommended “negotiating a non-discriminatory, multilateral and
internationally and effectively verifiable treaty banning the
production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear
explosive devices.” The resolution was drafted in such a way that it
only addressed production of future fissile material to the exclusion
of the existic stockpiles. Pakistan raised this concern and proposed
that the negotiation process should also include the issue of existing
stocks of fissile material.

There is a need to evolve a new consensus to achieve disarmament and
non-proliferation among all members. Multilateral collaboration can
serve global and national interest alike, and any unilateral step can
result into serious reservations among the member states. Pakistan’s
nuclear capability has served the security interest of the country
quite well and the country must protect its nuclear capability as a
deterrent. Pakistan should therefore veto the negotiations on FMCT
till a time bound nuclear disarmament as ordained in Article VI of NPT
is negotiated as a package, as this issue is inter-related. Pakistan
must endeavour to delay enforcement of this treaty as much as possible
in order to gain time to further enhance its existing stockpiles.
Since there are reservations and differences between Indian and
Pakistan’s position, and both states link the treaty to each other as
well.

In fact, India’s hegemonic designs, intentions, capabilities and
allocation of more than $ 100 billion for purchase of conventional
weapons and to develop nukes have forced Pakistan to rely more on
nuclear weapons and less on conventional military capability to
balance Indian military muscle. Therefore, without dealing with
genuine security issues of Pakistan it would be rather impossible for
Pakistan to discuss Fissile Materials Cut-off Treaty. Therefore, it
seems mandatory for the international community to play its due role
and resolve outstanding issues like Kashmir. And without addressing
core issue, it would be difficult to deal with arms control and
disarmament instruments effectively. A fissile material treaty must
provide a schedule for a progressive transfer of existing stockpiles
to civilian use and placing these stockpiles under safeguards so that
unsafeguarded stocks are equalised at lowest level possible.

A cut-off in the manufacturing of fissile material must be accompanied
by a mandatory program for the elimination of asymmetries in the
possession of fissile material stockpiles by various states. Such
transfer of fissile material to safeguards should be made first by
states with huge stockpiles, both in the global and regional context.
Growth in high-tech space and defence cooperation earlier between
Russia and India, and now US and India has advanced quality of India’s
nuclear systems. Unfortunately, there is a narrative in West and even
within India that India’s nuclear programme as well as other warfare
modernisation is necessary to counter China’s rising power. But there
are authentic reports that India has had more than once planned
attacking Pakistani nuclear sites like Kahuta with Israel’s
cooperation, but was deterred by Pakistan’s warning of quid pro quo.

Once again India is throwing feelers that it may abandon the policy of
‘no-first strike’ and launch a preemptive strike against Pakistan if
it believed that Pakistan was going to use nuclear weapons or most
likely the tactical nuclear weapons against it. Vipin Narang, an
expert on South Asian nuclear strategy, made the remark at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology during the 2017 Carnegie
International Nuclear Policy Conference, when he said: “There is
increasing evidence that India will not allow Pakistan to go first and
preventive strike would be aimed at Pakistan’s missiles launchers for
tactical battlefield nuclear warheads.” According to the experts and
analysts at Carnegie Endowment, at least 8 out of 22 reactors would
remain outside the regime, which means that material sought for 14
reactors could be diverted to other 8 reactors in India. How can
international community trust this irresponsible nuclear state?

—The writer is a senior journalist based in Lahore.

Email:[email protected]

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