[Suddenly it emerged that Jaitley had added 33 more clauses to the
Finance Bill draft, taking the total number of amended laws up to 40.
And these were not nips and tucks meant to simply square off bits of
errant legislation. They were sweeping changes.
One amendment made the Aadhaar mandatory for filing Income Tax
returns, despite a Supreme Court order declaring that the Unique
Identity number can only be voluntary. Another altered electoral
funding laws to remove limits that had been imposed on companies
donating to political parties, and deleted a provision requiring them
to disclose donations, effectively opening the door to anonymous
corporate funding of politicians.
These amendments came so late that many of the lawmakers simply did
not have time to go over them. Some had already used up their allotted
time to speak about the Finance Bill, before even seeing the
amendments.
...
As NK Premachandran, an MP of the Revolutionary Socialist Party,
suggested during the debate, the government might as well introduce
all of its legislation in the Finance Bill and do away with the other
Sessions.]

https://scroll.in/article/832901/why-even-modi-fans-should-oppose-arun-jaitleys-dangerous-finance-bill-tactics

OPINION
Why even Modi fans should oppose Arun Jaitley's dangerous Finance Bill tactics
Even the BJP MPs barely got a chance to look at the sweeping changes
introduced by the minister.

Yesterday · 10:30 am.
Rohan Venkataramakrishnan

Prime Minister Narendra Modi led the Bharatiya Janata Party to the
first Lok Sabha majority in 30 years in 2014. He then followed that by
leading a campaign that won his party a whopping 312 seats in the
403-strong Uttar Pradesh Assembly this month, giving a huge charge to
the BJP at the Centre. So why then is the BJP, and Finance Minister
Arun Jaitley in particular, operating as if they have something to
hide in the Lok Sabha?

What did Jaitley do?
The original draft of the Finance Bill, tabled annually with the
Budget and meant as the legislative vehicle for the government’s
taxation changes, included amendments to less than a dozen other laws.
That was on February 1.

On March 22, the Finance Bill that Jaitley had introduced along with
the Budget more than a month prior, came up for discussion in the Lok
Sabha. Even as members began putting forward their points about the
Bill, including the sweeping powers it proposed to hand to Income Tax
authorities and its introduction of electoral bonds, it became clear
that Jaitley was expanding its scope.

What was the Bill hiding?
***Suddenly it emerged that Jaitley had added 33 more clauses to the
Finance Bill draft, taking the total number of amended laws up to 40.
And these were not nips and tucks meant to simply square off bits of
errant legislation. They were sweeping changes.*** [Emphasis added.]

***One amendment made the Aadhaar mandatory for filing Income Tax
returns, despite a Supreme Court order declaring that the Unique
Identity number can only be voluntary. Another altered electoral
funding laws to remove limits that had been imposed on companies
donating to political parties, and deleted a provision requiring them
to disclose donations, effectively opening the door to anonymous
corporate funding of politicians.*** [Emphasis added.]

***These amendments came so late that many of the lawmakers simply did
not have time to go over them. Some had already used up their allotted
time to speak about the Finance Bill, before even seeing the
amendments.*** [Emphasis added.]

Why is that a problem?
The Budget Session in India’s Parliament is split into two halves,
with a recess in between, so that lawmakers can pore over the details
of the government’s proposals and suggest changes. While even that
three-week period may not have been long enough for members to
consider a change as substantial as electoral bonds, at least it means
lawmakers and the public have had a chance to hear about the
government’s suggestions.

The Finance Bill is also one of those things that, like the Budget, is
expected to pass every year, since it is the will of the majority
party. It is rarely held up, in part because it usually simply
contains taxation proposals and nothing more ambitious than that.
Moreover, Finance Bill is usually treated as a money Bill – a specific
type of legislation that only covers taxation or spending, and can be
passed without the assent of the Rajya Sabha.

Jaitley’s tactic abuses each one of these customs. Despite being
expected to table the Bill more than a month before passage, he
introduced sweeping changes less than 48 hours before the Lok Sabha
voted. Because it was the Finance Bill, and because the government has
a brute majority, it was passed. And though it will come up in the
Rajya Sabha on Monday, that discussion will be academic.

When pushed on the matter in the Lok Sabha, Arun Jaitley took up a
discussion of what the word “only” means, and said the criticism of
his approach was “much ado about nothing.”

Why should BJP supporters care?
The BJP has a majority, and most people have treated the result in
Uttar Pradesh as confirmation that Modi continues to have a mandate
nationally. Some might see this as good enough reason to say the BJP
can do as it likes. But the BJP won a national mandate promising to
not act like the Congress, and to take everyone along with it. And
Jaitley alone is not the BJP.

What would the finance minister have lost if he had fully tabled all
of its Finance Bill proposals along with the Budget instead of
introducing them at the last minute?

Parliament is meant to be deliberative, and the BJP promised to not be
a High Command party that makes all of its decisions behind closed
doors. Before the Budget Session, Modi reached out to all parties and
said Parliament ought to function, since it is a mahapanchayat.

It is not without reason that many, even within the party, continue to
call Arun Jaitley the BJP member who fits most easily into Lutyens’
Delhi and could comfortably have been a member of the Congress. The
danger with acceding to a process where even BJP MPs do not have
enough time to examine Jaitley’s proposals means giving the finance
minister power that should trouble even those in Modi’s party.

The government has submitted hastily drafted legislation in the past –
the Land Acquisition Ordinance being one example – that turned out to
both have errors in it, and turned the public against the BJP. Jaitley
introduced last-minute amendments that go against Modi’s stated
objective of increasing political transparency in political parties,
and include a blatant disregard of Supreme Court’s orders that might
end up inviting its wrath. Does the BJP really trust Arun Jaitley to
bring in last-minute legal changes with little oversight from even
within the party?

Is there a bigger picture?
***As NK Premachandran, an MP of the Revolutionary Socialist Party,
suggested during the debate, the government might as well introduce
all of its legislation in the Finance Bill and do away with the other
Sessions.*** [Emphasis added.]

The BJP might feel that it is going to be in power for some time, but
even it is not hubristic enough that it believes that will last
forever. Successful abuse of the Parliamentary system doesn’t end up
as an anomaly, it turns into a custom.

At the end of the day, every MP in Parliament – including the BJP ones
– represents their constituency. The Anti-Defection Law may not allow
MPs to vote as they please, but that’s why a deliberative process at
least permits questions to be raised about the specifics of
legislation. By doing away with that too, Jaitley is enshrining a High
Command culture where he alone drafts the laws, introduces it at the
last minute, brushes away discussion and opens the door for other
parties to abuse the same process in the future.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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