http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/toi-edit-page/what-makes-america-great-american-exceptionalism-is-less-about-google-and-stanford-more-about-babies-and-immigrants/

What makes America great: American exceptionalism is less about Google
and Stanford, more about babies and immigrants

May 8, 2017, 2:00 AM IST
Ruchir Sharma in TOI Edit Page

What makes America great? The standard answers to this question point
to qualities that the United States is said to have in greater
abundance than its peers in Europe and Japan. There are the
innovations that pour out of Silicon Valley companies and Ivy League
schools, the flexibility of a work force relatively unconstrained by
unions, the dynamism of entrepreneurs less hamstrung by an oversize
welfare state, a mobile population willing to move to cities where
cutting edge jobs are mushrooming.

In short, the standard flexibility theory of American exceptionalism
is all about qualities that make workers more productive. Today,
nearly all the discussion about how to make America great again
focusses on ways – like cutting red tape and taxes – to revive
flagging productivity growth.

Though this discussion remains critically important, it downplays a
big shift. The underlying growth potential of any economy is shaped
not only by productivity, or output per worker, but also by the number
of workers entering the labour force. The growth of the labour force
is in turn determined mainly by the number of working age people and
of immigrants entering the country. Over the last two decades, the US
advantage in productivity growth has narrowed sharply, while its
population advantages, compared to Europe and Japan, have held steady.

What makes America great is, therefore, less and less about
productivity than population, less about Google and Stanford than
about babies and immigrants.

The growing importance of the population race will be hard for any
politician to accept. Every nation prefers to think of itself as
productive, in the sense of hard working and smart, not just fertile.
But population is where the real action is.

I found, comparing six of the leading developed countries – the US,
Germany, Japan, Canada, Australia and the UK – that in recent decades
productivity growth has not only been slowing across the board, but
that the gaps in productivity growth between these rich nations are
also narrowing sharply. Before 2010, productivity was growing much
faster in the US than in Germany or Japan, but that advantage has
largely disappeared since.
The reasons for this convergence are complex, including the rapid
spread of technology across borders, but the trend spans the developed
world. This should raise doubts about how any one country can regain a
distinct economic advantage by focussing only on reviving
productivity.

Like productivity, population growth has been slowing worldwide, the
big difference being that the gaps between rich nations are widening.
In the 1960s the US population growth rate (including migration) was
50% higher than Europe’s and about the same as Japan’s. By the end of
that decade, population growth peaked worldwide, but it has slowed
very unevenly. Since 2005, America’s population growth rate has been
eight times higher than Europe’s, and Japan’s population has not grown
at all.

Increasingly, then, the underlying difference between the fast and
slow growing economies is explained more by the differences in
population growth than productivity.

In fact, since 2005, per capita GDP has grown on average by 0.6% a
year in the US, exactly the same rate as in Japan and virtually the
same as the Eurozone. In other words, if it weren’t for the boost from
babies and immigrants, the US economy would look much like those
supposed laggards, Europe and Japan.

Moreover, breaking down population growth, immigrants have a
surprisingly big impact. In the US, immigrants have accounted for a
third to a half of population growth for decades. In other Anglo-Saxon
countries – Canada, Australia and Britain – immigrants have accounted
for more than half of population growth over the past decade. Those
economies have also been growing faster than their counterparts in the
rest of Europe or Japan. But much of that advantage would also have
disappeared without their population advantage.
Politically, the irony of this moment is stark. Population growth is
increasingly important as an economic force and is increasingly driven
by immigration. Yet now, along comes a new breed of nationalists,
rising on promises to limit immigration. And they have been especially
successful in countries where immigration has been especially
important to the economy, including the US and Britain.

History is littered with examples of emerging nations that have failed
to generate enough jobs for a booming young population. But virtually
no nation has ever sustained rapid economic growth without strong
population growth. Today, when every major country including the US
faces continued decline in population growth, workers are an
increasingly precious source of national economic strength.

Consider this: if, over the last two decades, the population of the US
had been growing as slowly as Japan’s, US share of the global economy
would be just 15%, not the 25% it holds today.

It would be unrealistic to imagine that hard economic logic will turn
the anti-global, anti-foreign tide any time soon. The likely result is
that the US and Britain will go ahead and limit immigration. To the
extent they do – and their rivals do not – they will undermine their
key economic edge, and cede much of the growth advantage they have
enjoyed over Europe and Japan.

The writer is an author and global investor.
He is also chief global strategist at Morgan Stanley Investment Management.


© 2017 The New York Times (distributed by The New York Times Syndicate)




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