I/II.
https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/5/16/15649914/trump-comey-flynn-russia-investigation-holt

Trump sure seems to have lied about Comey and Flynn
The White House has another crisis on its hands.

Updated by Alex [email protected]@vox.com
May 16, 2017, 7:15pm EDT

Former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn answers questions in
the briefing room of the White House February 1, 2017 in Washington,
DC. Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images

President Donald Trump’s interview last Thursday with NBC’s Lester
Holt seems so long ago at this point. But the latest news has brought
it back into the spotlight.

That’s because what Trump told Holt just five nights ago is now being
contradicted by the latest reporting in New York Times and the
Washington Post.

Here’s the Times’s lead with the explosive revelation:

President Trump asked the FBI director, James B. Comey, to shut down
the federal investigation into Mr. Trump’s former national security
adviser, Michael T. Flynn, in an Oval Office meeting in February,
according to a memo Mr. Comey wrote shortly after the meeting.

“I hope you can let this go,” the president told Mr. Comey, according
to the memo.
And the Washington Post confirms the story, claiming that Comey’s own
notes reveal that Trump “pressured” Comey into ending the Flynn probe.

That reporting completely contradicts what Trump explained to Holt
last week. The key part is below:

[Screenshot]

Trump told Holt that he wanted the investigation to go faster.
Instead, it now appears that not only did he try to slow it down but
he tried to end the portion that looked into his ol’ pal Flynn.

“I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting
Flynn go,” Trump reportedly said to Comey. “He is a good guy.”

Good guy or not, it now seems Trump personally tried to influence the
outcome of the FBI’s investigation into possible collusion between an
associate of the president and Russia.

As Vox previously reported, Flynn and three other Trump associates
feature prominently in that investigation.

Last week, the Senate Intelligence Committee subpoenaed Flynn to get
documents related to his communications with Russian officials. The
committee also asked the Treasury Department to look into Flynn’s
finances.

While subpoenas are normal parts of investigations, for them to
continue the investigation means there is something to look into. In
other words, the investigators think there’s a there there.

The White House has responded to the New York Times story, denying it
completely:

View image on Twitter
[Screenshot]
 Follow
 Shane Goldmacher ✔ @ShaneGoldmacher
No one at the White House willing to put their name on this statement
3:07 AM - 17 May 2017
  421 421 Retweets   489 489 likes

That denial is going to be hard to substantiate, especially if the
paper trail of what Comey deemed to be the “president’s improper
efforts to influence a continuing investigation” does in fact exist.

If that’s the case, Trump may want to bust out those “tapes” he claims
to have of his and Comey’s conversations. That’s probably the only way
he’s going to refute a paper trail now.

When Trump fired Comey (last week!), my colleague Matthew Yglesias
wrote that “a whiff of obstruction of justice is in the air.”

That whiff just became a much stronger scent.

II.
https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/5/15/15627284/trump-comey-firing-obstruction-justice-nixon-watergate

Donald Trump has committed the exact offense that forced Richard Nixon to resign

Updated by Dylan Matthews@[email protected]
May 16, 2017, 6:20pm EDT

Javier Zarracina / Vox

We don’t actually know if Richard Nixon ordered the break-in to the
Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate complex on
June 17, 1972.

That, to me, is still the most remarkable feature of the Watergate
crisis. A president was forced out of office for the first time in
American history by a scandal centering on a single crime, and we
still don’t know if he actually ordered it.

In his memoirs, Nixon denies it, though he smugly adds, "I could not
muster much moral outrage over a political bugging." Jeb Magruder, a
dirty tricks operative for Nixon, revealed three decades later that he
had overheard Nixon and his reelection chair John Mitchell planning
the burglary. But as historian David Greenberg notes, “Mr. Magruder
had [previously] discussed that same meeting without noting Nixon's
participation.” Dirty tricks operatives aren’t the most reliable of
sources.

We don’t even know why it happened — if the burglars were looking for
evidence that the DNC was receiving money from the North Vietnamese or
Cuban governments (as conspirator Howard Hunt insisted), or
information embarrassing to White House counsel John Dean (as G.
Gordon Liddy, who planned the break-in with Hunt, claimed), or, as
another popular theory has it, trying to find out how much DNC chair
Larry O'Brien knew about Nixon’s financial dealings with billionaire
tycoon Howard Hughes.

But what we do know, the “smoking gun” that eventually forced Nixon
out of office, was that Nixon ordered his chief of staff to get the
CIA to force the FBI to abandon its investigation into the break-in.

That was enough.

Some Republicans had stood by Nixon through his firing of the
independent counsel investigating the matter, through multiple aides
and Cabinet officials resigning, through the White House’s effort to
resist subpoenas for documents and tapes. But when the “smoking gun”
White House tape was released on August 5, 1974, Nixon’s remaining
support from Republicans evaporated. Two days later, Senate Minority
Leader Hugh Scott (R-PA), House Minority Leader John Jacob Rhodes
(R-AZ), and former presidential candidate Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-AZ)
went to the White House and informed the president that he had no
support left in Congress.

They were shocked and horrified that Nixon had personally participated
in the cover-up; before then there was still a sliver of a chance that
the president himself wasn’t part of the conspiracy. They told Nixon
that, now that his role in the cover-up was known, the votes were
there to impeach him and remove him from office. The day after that,
the president announced his resignation.

Similarly, there’s a lot we don’t know about Trump and his campaign’s
ties to Russia. We know that the FBI and other agencies have been
looking into any contact Trump's campaign advisers Paul Manafort,
Carter Page, and Roger Stone might have had contact with the Russian
government during the election. We know that intelligence agencies
suspect those three might have worked the Russian officials to
coordinate the release of hacked emails. We know that disgraced former
National Security Adviser Michael Flynn, White House senior adviser
and Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner, and Attorney General Jeff Sessions
all lied about or failed to disclose communications with Russian
Ambassador Sergey Kislyak.

We don’t know how all these pieces fit together. We don’t know exactly
what Donald Trump Sr.’s direct involvement is, or how aware he was of
his advisers’ efforts, or the nature of his business relationship with
Russia. That’s provoked a lot of very valuable investigative
journalism, as well as a lot of outright conspiracy theorizing.

But focusing too granularly on the details of Trump’s personal
involvement risks setting the bar too low for him. It risks suggesting
that unless we find undeniable proof of collusion between Trump and
the Russian government, he’s in the clear.

The fact of the matter is that without any more information than we
already have, we already know Trump’s conduct is at lest as outrageous
as what Nixon acknowledged in the smoking gun tape.

In Nixon’s case, what crossed the line, moving top leaders from his
own party to go to the White House and tell Nixon that his presidency
was over, was Nixon’s attempt to hamper the FBI’s investigation into
Watergate.

And we now know that before Trump fired FBI Director James Comey, he
asked Comey to stop investigating former National Security Adviser
Flynn. This is exactly the same kind of FBI investigation interference
that forced Nixon out of the White House and shocked his Republican
allies out of defending him.

As of this writing, Trump’s Republican allies in Congress are standing
by him and not demanding a independent prosecutor, let alone
impeachment.

But this is not a “where there’s smoke there’s fire” situation. We
don’t need to know much more to know that the president has committed
conduct that was once thought sufficient to warrant removal from
office.

The Comey firing isn’t smoke. It’s fire.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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