[These three years have seen the State fuse with the street to create
a vigilante nation. If India's first national movement was a
mobilization against foreign rulers, the new nationalism, the
principal style of which is vigilantism, is directed at the enemy
within.]

https://www.telegraphindia.com/1170528/jsp/opinion/story_153811.jsp

Sunday , May 28 , 2017

A nation of vigilantes

- Lynch mob republic
Mukul Kesavan

These three years have seen the State fuse with the street to create a
vigilante nation. If India's first national movement was a
mobilization against foreign rulers, the new nationalism, the
principal style of which is vigilantism, is directed at the enemy
within.

'Vigilantism' used in this way needs an explanation. Vigilantes are
ordinarily defined as people who take the law into their own hands.
For example, Amitabh Bachchan (with the aid of Manmohan Desai and
Prakash Mehra) dominated the box office in the Seventies and Eighties
as the vigilante hero who tried to set an irredeemably corrupt world
to rights. Films like Zanjeer, Deewaar and Coolie defined a new genre
in Hindi cinema.

Plain vanilla vigilantism of the Bachchan sort is different from
vigilante nationalism in two ways. First, it's a form of individual
heroism whereas contemporary Indian vigilantism is organized and
collective. Secondly, the filmi vigilante is at odds with the 'system'
and the corrupt State that underwrites it. The modern Indian
vigilante, on the other hand, is in a patron-client partnership with
the State; this is not an adversarial relationship.

Modern vigilantes bend the system to their will and take the law into
their hands with the tacit or explicit blessing of the State and in
the name of the virtuous Nation. This is a Nation that is
insufficiently realized because its coming into being has been
thwarted by a false nationalism and a corruptly administered republic.
The new vigilante is insurgent in this thwarted Nation's cause.

×
Even under Narendra Modi's new management the routines of the State
and its institutions - courts, bureaucracies, uniformed services -
aren't sufficiently responsive to the cause of the Nation. They need
to be aided by organized citizen auxiliaries and revitalized by the
spirit of vigilante nationalism which is simply an expression of the
popular will, unmuffled by bureaucratic flannel.

Since we're talking about State-vigilante coordination, it's important
in this context to distinguish vigilante nationalism from vigilante
counter-insurgency. Vigilantes of the sort who belong to militias like
Salwa Judum or Sulfa or the Ikhwan force are renegade mercenaries.
They are creatures of the State who serve a counter-insurgency
purpose. Vigilante nationalists, on the other hand, are the soulmates
of an ideological party, bound to it by a common purpose: the forging
of a Hindu nation.

Yogi Adityanath's provincial government is the first fruit of this
fusion of the State and the street. Adityanath is best understood as
Uttar Pradesh's Chief Vigilante. His democratic mandate legitimizes
his private vigilante militia, the Hindu Yuva Vahini. The anti-Romeo
squads who police Hindu-Muslim romance, the cow goondas who patrol
UP's highways attacking cattle transporters and butchers are examples
of the state government of India's most populous province informally
sub-contracting out law enforcement functions to avowedly Hindu
militias.

The political patrons of these vigilante nationalists sometimes
prioritize the galvanizing of the nationalist street over the
maintenance of law and order. There have been a series of beatings and
lynchings in states ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party which have
resulted in Muslims at the receiving end being booked and their
assailants defended by BJP office bearers, ministers and chief
ministers.

Undeterred by the violence, BJP state governments have made the cattle
trade conditional on so much paperwork that they have effectively laid
the groundwork for protection rackets run by vigilante militias. These
governments have raised the jail tariffs for cow slaughter and
effectively made cow vigilantes licensed predators. Yogi Adityanath,
whose elevation to UP's chief ministership was justified by the BJP by
citing his talent for law and order, seems to have temporarily ceded
control of his state's highways from Noida to Saharanpur to thugs with
murder and arson and rape on their minds.

One reason for this is that the BJP understands that political parties
of its sort don't live and grow by policy and law-and-order alone. As
the BJP expands its footprint and its membership under Amit Shah's
stewardship, it needs camaraderie and purpose. The Hindutvavadi
Right's militias are its violent satyagrahis. They are nationalist
foot soldiers of a different time, pledged to the service of a
different sort of nation. Unlike anti-colonial nationalists, they own
the State already, their project is to remake the nation's citizenry
in their own image, and to subordinate those who are too alien to be
reformed. For this the symbolism of a Dandi march is unnecessary; a
danda march is a better way of getting people to defer to the Nation
and its symbols.

Vigilante nationalism isn't confined to militias; it's a state of mind
that shapes every sort of institution. So we've seen Indian university
students being sorted into traitors and patriots. Here the Akhil
Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the youth wing of the BJP, has helpfully
played the role of a client militia, sometimes local informant and
sometimes campus muscle.

One institution that has been successfully remade in the image of
vigilante nationalism is news television. The farcical scrap between
Times Now and Republic TV over the phrase 'the nation wants to know'
just about sums up this transformation. In a style pioneered by Arnab
Goswami and imitated by many others, the television anchor transmutes
tabloid headlines into TRP gold by setting scandals, investigations
and controversies in the frame of the national interest. Dead cows,
murdered humans, raped women, mutilated soldiers are all grist to this
nationalist mill and like vigilante militias these television lynch
mobs take no prisoners.

It is ironical that the rhetoric of vigilantism has managed to draw
the most rigidly rule-bound institution in this country, the Indian
army, into the orbit of a lawless nationalism. The use of a Kashmiri
civilian as a human shield was widely discussed and massively endorsed
in the frontline trenches that are our television studios. In a move
that the armed forces and India might come to regret, Major Gogoi
appeared before television cameras to justify actions explicitly
prohibited by international conventions.

Meanwhile, the chief of army staff pre-empted the army's own inquiry
into Major Gogoi's actions by awarding him a certificate of
commendation. Unsurprisingly, he was exonerated. Publicly parading a
civilian as a human shield through one village after another was
presented as a daring and ingenious response to a law and order
emergency and commended. The climate of vigilante nationalism doesn't
merely allow thuggish militias to encroach upon the prerogatives of
uniformed men; it allows uniformed men to believe that it's alright to
adopt the methods of vigilante militias.

Institutions take decades to build and moments to undo. Vigilante
nationalism has corroded our universities, our armed forces, our media
organizations, and our mechanisms of law and order. It will destroy
them if we keep bending rules and abandoning due process to prove our
patriotic credentials or worse, to challenge those of others.

Fascism is best understood as violent nationalism with the violence
turned inwards. Its sex appeal, its crowd-pulling, cadre-recruiting
genius is its knack for turning every political conversation into a
traitor-hunting, treachery-baring expedition. The sense of nationalist
purpose, the excitement of being allowed to name the 'enemy' without
the tyranny of political correctness, the frisson of the chase (which,
luckily for the genteel middle class recruit, doesn't have to
culminate in the fury of a lynch mob), this is what makes it popular.
If India ever takes a fascist turn, vigilante nationalists will be our
Brownshirts.

[email protected]



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