[Menacing rise of a surveillance state is the real essence of the Aadhaar.]

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/uidai-aadhaar-card-the-real-beneficiary-4684994/


   - The real beneficiary

The real beneficiaryAadhaar doesn’t empower people, only the state
Written by Reetika Khera
<http://indianexpress.com/profile/author/reetika-khera/> | Published:June
2, 2017 2:15 am

Why are governments resorting to such desperate measures to defend Aadhaar?
Primarily because during UPA 2, they over-sold the benefits of Aadhaar


Peddling long-debunked assertions on savings as facts without any proof is
an old UIDAI strategy. Pandey’s strongest claim, “an independent study by
the World Bank”, reportedly estimates that “Aadhaar can potentially save Rs
72,000 crore every year by plugging leakages.” Actually, the study only
states that “the value of these transfers is estimated to be Rs 70,000
crores ($11.3 billion) per annum”. There is no estimate of potential
savings. Ironically, in the week that the UIDAI revealed its draconian
face, serving a legal notice to those who exposed flaws in the Aadhaar
eco-system, Ajay Pandey (CEO, UIDAI), wrote, “The critics tend to forget
that Aadhaar empowers the people, not the state” (‘Criticisms Without
Aadhaar’, IE, May 13). However, government data reveals that Pandey is
wrong to believe that “Aadhaar empowers the people”.

Pandey claims that Aadhaar has “cleansed delivery databases of fakes,
duplicates and con men/intermediaries”. Job cards and ration cards
cancelled in the course of routine updation (or “cleansing”) drives are
attributed to Aadhaar. In fact, in many cases, the cancellation pre-dates
integration with Aadhaar. For instance, the 20 lakh cards deleted in
2014-15 in West Bengal are credited to Aadhaar-integration though only
15,000 cards were Aadhaar-seeded on March 2015.

The case of LPG subsidies is well-documented. In July 2015, Chief Economic
Advisor (CEA) Arvind Subramanian wrote in The New York Times that cash
transfers resulted in “estimated savings of about $2 billion”. Yet, Cabinet
Secretariat minutes from November 2015 report only Rs 91 crore savings due
to Aadhaar. Later, the CEA himself clarified that it was potential (not
actual) savings he had in mind, but the government still uses the earlier
figures. The government’s claim on deleted ration cards is also
interesting. Out of 1.2 crore deleted cards, 62 lakh were from West Bengal.
Here’s the catch: All states (except West Bengal) report the number of
cards in terms of families; West Bengal reports individuals. The ministry
ignores the difference in units, adds them up, thus inflating the numbers.

Why are governments resorting to such desperate measures to defend Aadhaar?
Primarily because during UPA 2, they over-sold the benefits of Aadhaar. For
instance, Aadhaar cannot reduce quantity fraud. When a PDS dealer
undersells, whether I am forced to put my thumbprint in a paper register or
a POS machine makes no difference to quantity fraud.

Aadhaar cannot enhance inclusion. Possession of Aadhaar alone cannot
guarantee benefits (say, pensions or scholarships), one still has to meet
the eligibility criteria of those programmes. Exclusion from welfare was
rarely due to the lack of ID documents (in a response to an RTI query,
99.97 per cent of those who enrolled in Aadhaar did it on the basis of
existing ID documents). What Aadhaar can fix is identity fraud — for
example, if I illegally get two ration cards or duplicates. But then,
Aadhaar is one among several ways of de-duplication, and not the most
efficient either — smart cards, or even painting the full list of
beneficiaries on panchayat walls works well to identify ghosts and
duplicates!

The key question with respect to identity fraud (and the Aadhaar project)
is what Senior Advocate Arvind Datar asked the government in court (during
the PAN-Aadhaar linkage case), “Did you do any study?” The fact is there is
no reliable evidence on the scale of identity fraud in welfare programmes.
We are told that people are getting their benefits “directly from the
government without middlemen usurping them” due to Aadhaar. Three
clarifications are in order: One, benefits under some of the schemes he
lists have been credited into bank accounts for years, so middlemen were
absent from the payment process to start with. For example, payment of
MGNREGA wages into bank and post office accounts became mandatory in 2009.
Two, where middlemen existed (pensions delivered by a postman who demanded
money), one type of middleman has been replaced by another (banking
correspondents have taken the place of postmen). Three, the Aadhaar
eco-system is breeding an army of middlemen (enrolment, re-enrolment of
biometrics, Aadhaar-seeding, correcting demographic details, etc).

Meanwhile, Aadhaar is also disempowering people. For example, names are
being struck off pension lists without people’s knowledge (say, for not
submitting their Aadhaar number) or MGNREGA wages get “lost” in the
electronic payment system. In Rajasthan, more than 10 per cent of PDS
beneficiaries are unable to get their ration after Aadhaar-based Biometric
Authentication (ABBA) was introduced. Monthly authentication of any one
member is pointless: If someone dies, I can continue to claim their ration.
At the very least, the government should move to annual authentication of
all members, put people out of their monthly misery. Since 2009, we were
lulled into believing that privacy is the price we pay for better welfare
programmes. In 2009, the present National Security Advisor A.K. Doval
rightly said: “Now, it is being projected as more development-oriented,
lest it ruffle any feathers. People would be unwilling to give up their
right to privacy.” Welfare, efficiency, transparency, empowerment, etc.,
was the sugar-coating.

*The writer is an associate professor, Economics, at the Indian Institute
of Technology, Delhi*



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