[Trump has a project: to manage the United States as a great enterprise, to transform it into a fortress of "Judeo-Christian capitalism", to restructure it in the hussar, and then to restore it to a world hegemony without sharing. Harassment of personnel, brutality with competitors, denial of environmental externalities are simply copied / pasted from the level of their business to that of the company. Billionaire uncultivated, nationalist, racist, sexist, homophobic, islamophobic, antisemitic, Trump ambitionne to reshape the company USAnd the world map with the hammer, ignoring what exists and shattering what resists. ... It is in the interest of the exploited and the oppressed throughout the world to mark their broadest and most active solidarity with the mobilizations in the United States. Besides, it is not about solidarity, but about common struggle. For the common interest of the exploited and the oppressed of the whole world is to defeat Trump. His defeat will be that of all despots - or despot candidates - who play nationalism or populism to enslave the populations. The showdown in the United States is global. If trumpism is defeated, or if it has to "disengage" under the pressure of the street, this victory will encourage the counter-offensive of the people everywhere. If he were to win, however, the risk of a third world war would have to be seriously apprehended.
(The comment reproduced below is a google translation - option available on-site, of the original in French.)] http://alencontre.org/ameriques/americnord/usa/la-place-du-trumpisme-dans-lhistoire.html The place of trumpism in history Posted by Alencontre 7 - February - 2017 Donald Trump and Stephen Bannon By Daniel Tanuro ***Trump has a project: to manage the United States as a great enterprise, to transform it into a fortress of "Judeo-Christian capitalism", to restructure it in the hussar, and then to restore it to a world hegemony without sharing. Harassment of personnel, brutality with competitors, denial of environmental externalities are simply copied / pasted from the level of their business to that of the company. Billionaire uncultivated, nationalist, racist, sexist, homophobic, islamophobic, antisemitic, Trump ambitionne to reshape the company USAnd the world map with the hammer, ignoring what exists and shattering what resists.*** [Emphasis added.] Various fractions of the ruling class follow the fury of the new President with anxiety. Will they be able to channel it? Will they have to get rid of them? Both options are open. But a third can not be excluded: that the blaster, by a forward flight, makes the world tumble into a nightmare of war and climate disaster. For Trump does not fall from the sky, it is a product of the inextricable capitalist contradictions that neoliberal governance is more and more difficult to master and which weaken political superstructures to the extreme in a world in crisis of hegemony. Under these circumstances, the relative autonomy of politics and of individuals tends to increase. Strong power is trend. Not only among the protectionist Trump, but also among its globalist competitors in Europe and Asia. ***** Understanding the meaning of trumpism implies taking a step back from the contradictions of capital and their evolution, from which flows the present situation. It will then be better to understand that the election of Trump as President of the United States is not an accident of course but the symptom of something deeper, which can mark the beginning of a new era. One of the major characteristics of capitalism is the growing contradiction between the partial rationality of enterprises and the global irrationality of the system. Companies - large companies in particular - put the most modern science at the service of profit to rigorously organize the work and plan the investments. On the other hand, the economy and society as a whole develop without plan, in a chaotic way, according to the constraints and the chances of the market. This contradiction is the product of the very nature of the mode of production. On the one hand, decisions about what is to be produced, how, for what, for whom and in what quantities are taken by competing capitalists, based solely on profit. To survive, every owner of capital is bound to leave nothing to chance. On the other hand, the socialization of production takes place blindly. The general interest, in fact, is defined only in a hollow: as the way society and the environment fold, step by step, with the imperatives of the production of goodwill. A major turning point for the United States, a pivotal moment for the world A key function of political and state superstructures is to disguise this reality in order to ensure that the mode of production is socially legitimate without which it can not survive. The neo-liberal ideology and the resulting re-regulation are now very difficult to assume this task. Especially in the United States. The bank rescue in the 2007-8 crisis is a turning point. The idea that the system, as it is, operates in the general interest, has shattered. Added to this is the fiasco of the war in Iraq - fomented with lies about "weapons of mass destruction" - which gives arguments to the supporters of American isolationism. The destabilization is profound, the crisis of the two great bourgeois parties testifies to it. The question of the (regime of) capitalism is raised. On the left, this destabilization produced the Occupy movements, Black Lives Matter, the $ 15 movement and the Sanders Campaign, as well as a mobilization of women who found one of her expressions in the January 21 march. On the right, she produced the Tea Party then Trump, which extends, radicalizes and exceeds the Tea Party. His victory is a major turning point. Given the decisive weight of the United States in all fields, one can risk the hypothesis that we are at a pivotal moment in world history, comparable to the great crises of the 20th century. A major turn, deeper, therefore, than that which had been impelled by Thatcher (1979) and Reagan (1980). What is shaken is not only the neo-liberal order established since the 1980s, but also the balance of relations between powers, the system of hegemony as it was set up, and Evolved after the Second World War. That is what we must try to do. Remembering what capitalism is capable of ... >From the slaughter of 14-18 to the obsession with stability The more the partial rationality of capital develops, the more the global irrationality of the system increases and becomes threatening. It is expressed by the periodic crisis of overproduction and overaccumulation and, if necessary, by war. For capitalist war is only the prolongation of the competition war by other means, to paraphrase Clausewitz. Like the crisis, war has its place in the partial rationality of capital: the extreme form of "creative destruction" dear to Schumpeter, it eliminates surplus productive forces, promotes technological innovation and opens up new fields for capital valorisation . During the twentieth century, global irrationality first manifested itself in its full scale in the form of the butchery of 1914-1918. The Russian revolution of 1917 opened a breach but remained isolated, so that the mad productivist race of capital set out again more beautifully on the rest of the planet. The subsequent rationality of the struggling capitals led to the crisis of 1928. Then came the victory of Nazism, a second world war, the Shoah and the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki ... As Ernest Mandel pointed out, Thirty glorious post-war years were made possible by the extent of the destruction that preceded them [1]. In the second half of the century, the possibility of the system shifting into self-destruction began to frighten even its own political representatives. For a moment, some thought of ending it militarily with the "socialist camp" (which no longer had anything "socialist" but continued to escape capitalist investment) ... In the end, however, Was adopted. Under the leadership of the US superpower, and thanks to the long period of post-war expansion, capitalism developed political and economic institutions to try to prevent a new slippage in general barbarism. The stability of the world became an obsession. The bureaucratic clique in power in the USSR shared it, based on its specific interests: it was "peaceful coexistence". After the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the re-establishment of capitalism in China, the Russian and Chinese leaders integrated the club of capitalist leaders who defended their share of the cake while collaborating for stability. The neoliberalism launched by Thatcher and Reagan more than ten years ago served as a common Bible, and the media embraced Fukuyama's "end-of-history" formula. This was to forget that capitalism is incapable of permanently suppressing its contradictions. In 2007, the financial crisis broke out, proving that the partial rationality of capital had not ceased to pile up explosive materials at the heart of the system. On the contrary, it accumulated more than ever. The exhaustion of a system We measure it today. In the wake of 2008, the world was shaken by Arab revolutions (and counter-revolutions) as well as by the crisis of the European Union - with the strangling of Greece, then the Brexit. Meanwhile, the inter-capitalist war was already merely commercial: US imperialism had rekindled the war in Afghanistan and Iraq. These local wars had a global stake: to keep control of the Middle East, the strategic location of US hegemony on the planet. The result, as we know, was the opposite: Iraq in ruins provides the breeding ground of the Islamic state; The whole area is now destabilized, threatening widespread regional conflagration ... The consequences are global: the European Union is surviving in the "refugee crisis" The picture is brushed with very big features, to show the rise of the contradictions of the system and its global neoliberal governance. A kind of despotic mechanism of consensus building under the constraint of maximizing capitalist profit, this governance has avoided or mitigated crises, but its devices, increasingly numerous and opaque, merely postpone deadlines without resolving anything . Objective tensions continue to develop because it is increasingly difficult for capitalism to compensate for the decline in the rate of profit by increasing its mass, as François Chesnais points out [2]. concomitantly, That's where we are: this regime is reaching its limits. It fuels the crisis of politics that returns as a boomerang to the rulers and becomes a major element of chaos. At the root of this phenomenon is the fact that the institutions of bourgeois parliamentary democracy are largely emptied of their content. This reality is particularly unbearable for the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie who, on the one hand, can not imagine the end of capitalism and, on the other, have not taken on the places of world power where neoliberalism tries To manage its contradictions ("the Davos party", as Steve Bannon says). Workers (whites and males above all) can be abused, but trumpism expresses above all a reactionary revolt of the middle-class and middle-class bourgeois layers, Ramener USA Inc. in the bosom of the good capitalism of yesteryear Marx gladly laughed at the fact that, in capitalist society, reality runs on its head. This is the case with Trump and his supporters. In the mental universe of these people, in fact, the false partial rationality that is the cause of chaos is seen as the way to end chaos. While capitalism's profit frenzy is ultimately responsible for the social crisis, including the political crisis, "captains of industry" are seen as saviors capable of ridding society of the bane of politicians, Bureaucrats and the bad capitalism of buddies - financial, cosmopolitan, without faith (crony capitalism, according to Bannon) - which spoils the good capitalism of yesteryear. To solve the problems, it would "suffice" for a Chief to restore order, Trump pushes this logic to the point of caricature. With his team of billionaires bigoted and generals galloped, the new tenant of the White House took the lead in managing the United States by the wand, as a big company. It is easy to turn the character into ridicule, but it would be dangerous to underestimate it. Trump has a plan to radically restructure the multinational USA Inc. He knows that the group is still dominant but in danger of losing its position as world leader. In his mind, it is necessary to strike fast and strong. What does a boss who comes to the head of a company in such a situation do? It quickly gives some clear signs of its determination, discards activities that are not (quite) profitable, sows fear, dismissed staff (women and immigrants first), refocuses the group on its core business, (And Trump has treated the President of Mexico and the Australian Prime Minister!) And establishes new strategic alliances to prepare for the confrontation with his main enemies. The parallel is quite clear with the first steps of the new presidency. Hegemony, holy war outside and reaction inside What really makes Trump potentially dangerous is the crisis of hegemony, in other words the absence of any power - or any stable relationship between powers - capable of establishing rules, drawing lines not to be crossed Between imperialist forces or "opposing camps". During the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962), the world was on the brink of nuclear war. Drawing the lessons of the case, Moscow and Washington established a direct line between the Kremlin and the White House: the "red telephone". There is nothing similar today between China, Russia and the United States. This situation is reminiscent of the first years of the twentieth century, when the decline of the United Kingdom and the rise of Germany led to the First World War. It can not be ruled out that the rise of tensions will create a situation in the future where a spark would suffice to set fire to the powders. In the South China Sea, or elsewhere ... The essential thing for Trump, apparently, is the struggle against the rise of capitalist China, the only rival likely to threaten one day declining US hegemony. From a geostrategic point of view, it is necessary to separate Moscow from Beijing and, for that, to give Putin a bone: for example, part of what Russia considers as its "vital space" in Central Europe and the Middle East ) ... From this alliance with the Kremlin, Trump also expects a collaboration in the holy war against Islam, which is his other obsession. As a result, statements on NATO's "obsolescence" and in favor of the Brexit are less absurd than they seem, and only the naive can believe that the phone call to the leader of Formosa Was an error due to inexperience. On the domestic level too there is a logic: racism, homophobia, sexism, Islamophobia, the wall with Mexico, support for "pro-life", "Muslim ban", etc., Not only to sow division in the world of work by designating scapegoats, to prepare the attacks of social regression (against Obamacare, in particular). These themes also serve to unite the white reactionary forces and networks, whose militant support will be necessary for Trump to confront social resistance and even opposition within his own class. Hide this climate crisis that I can not see In this melting pot, the climatic-negationism occupies a specific place of which we must say two words. It has been pointed out at the outset that the contradiction between partial rationality and global irrationality tends to deepen as capital is developed. This deepening is not only quantitative: new problems appear. The ecological crisis plays a key role here, in particular the climate challenge. Indeed, the measures to be taken have been so long delayed that it becomes impossible to counter the danger seriously without calling into question the logic of capitalist accumulation. The road map of global governance now integrates the objectives of "sustainable development" and "internalization of externalities". But neither the thousands of pages on the benefits of a "green economy" nor the painfully negotiated agreements at international summits deter capital from massively burning fossil fuels. The global warming continues, threatening humanity with an irreversible mega-catastrophe of unimaginable magnitude: who can imagine the consequences of a twelve-meter rise in the level of the oceans? In a moment of lucidity, Nicholas Stern wrote that "climate change is the most serious failure of the market economy" [5]. This confession was quickly buried: too explosive. It is no coincidence that capitalists, their ideologues and their political representatives are literally incapable of understanding that global irrationality stems from the partial rationality of capital. Their class position prevents them. They should admit that the rationality of capital is a false rationality which drags humanity towards an abyss, a mystification which must be disposed of in an emergency. They do not want this conclusion at any price. Climate change is the height of global irrationality. Is it possible to imagine folly more complete than this: a society of high scientific character, with the means to act, knows with almost certainty that its dynamic of accumulation threatens the destruction of hundreds of millions People and innumerable natural resources, but basically nothing more than declarations of intent ... For Trump et Cie, this contradiction is too much. Unable to confront it, they simply choose to deny its foundation, and stuff international agreements into the sack of globalization. This is how climate denialism, driven out of public debate by the door of science, manages to return to it through the window of politics. A global reactionary project Trump's project is global and poses a global threat. It is the reactionary project of a brutal, very authoritarian Thug, a straightforward, ruthless capitalism that sprang from the head of a nationalist patron who plagues all constraints: "social charges", unions, competitors, "paperwork" , The press, environmentalists, the rules of "good governance" ... A boss who, facing these challenges, seeks to divide workers by racist and sexist attacks. This project must be fought as such. In all its aspects, without any ambiguity. This judgment is not unanimous on the left. Three examples: Some US trade union leaders hope that protectionism will boost employment in the United States. As Lance Selfa put it, "These union leaders offer Trump the coverage he needs to paint his economic program in a 'populist' and workers-friendly color." They "provide a layer of legitimacy to an administration whose intention is to attack entire sections of the working class, including immigrants and undocumented migrants" [6]; The fact that Trump is delighted with the Brexit does not make him an "objective ally" of the left opposed to the European Union, as some "leftist sovereignists" seem to think. The Left fights the EU in the name of an anti-capitalist, and therefore internationalist, alternative. It has nothing to do, neither near nor far, with the camp of Trump, Farage, Le Pen et Cie. In the same vein, the left does not have to rejoice when Trump talks about NATO obsolescence. We fight NATO because we refuse war and militarism. Our goal can not be to create "another European security system integrating Moscow". Such a device would increase the influence of the main reactionary force of the continent - Russia - and give the US hands free for a conflict with China ... You said "pacifism"? Trumpism is certainly not a Nazism, but the systematic use of lies, nationalism and the reactionary mobilization of rabid petty bourgeois evokes the 1930s. Moreover, how not to bring "America first" and "Deutschland über alles" ? "I am the candidate of law and order," Trump hammered during his election campaign. Here he is at the White House and he openly pleads for the use of torture, gives orders to publish a weekly list of crimes committed by foreigners, and attacks journalists in the name of "alternative facts" ... It would be dangerous to Let indignation and vigilance fall back by betting on the fact that the majority of the American ruling class does not support these foes. The relative autonomy of politics, the role of individuals in history The big media hastened to say that the new president should necessarily "put water in his wine". It is true that his team seems divided and heterogeneous: Wall Street populist Wall Street, Steve Bannon, joins Gary Cohn, number two of Goldman Sachs, who will lead the Economic Council. However, during his first week, Trump concretized most of his populist promises, slouched. It is not certain that he will be able to continue. On the one hand, the military hierarchy - whose imperialist strategy has been very consistent since Bush - certainly does not like to see Bannon supplant it in the National Security Council. On the other hand, very influential circles of the great American capital are opposed to Trump, especially on four points that are linked: international politics, protectionism, migrants and the tax reform. If Trump is not "cropped" on these issues, some of the US bourgeoisie might want to get rid of it as the British bourgeoisie got rid of Thatcher in 1990 (during the poll tax ). For it is the ruling class - not the individuals - that ultimately governs. In support of this thesis, one can cite the capitalist reactions to the "Muslim ban" - the prohibition of entry into the United States for the nationals of seven countries of the Middle East. Indeed, a large number of key business owners (facebook, Google, Starbuck, Goldman Sachs, Citigroup, MasterCard, Ford, Coca-Cola, Amazon ...) criticized this ban openly and sometimes hard. Some (Uber, Syft) have done so for fear of a boycott of consumers, but the bottom line is that Trump's white nationalism is completely out of sync with the cosmopolitanism of the staff of the major technology groups, The levels [7]. However, the game is more complex. On the one hand, the capital is divided: thus, importers (Walmart) are opposed to the proposed border tax, but the exporters (Boeing, General Electric) are in favor. On the other hand, the "trumpist basis" is also mobilizing: Monday, January 30, in reaction to the statements of the CEO of Starbuck against the "Muslim ban" #BoycottStarbucks was the most popular hashtag on Twitter in the United States. To assert that the ruling class is "in the last instance" - these three small words are important - means that there is a dual relative autonomy: from the political sphere to the economic sphere, and from individuals to the political sphere [9]. The appointment of Trump during the Republican primary, then his election to the White House, show that this autonomy is real. Observers who had predicted that the tycoon would be beaten because Wall Street did not want him to be mistaken. The Rise as a Political Method Comparison is not right, but the great German capital has put Hitler in power to break the workers' movement, not to drag him into World War II and the Shoah. He had planned to do so, and he did so ... by deceiving his interlocutors on his intentions and then establishing his dictatorship ... And what did the magnates of Thyssen, Krupp, IG Farben, Allianz and other The German economy? They have adapted to the situation and have benefited from "creative destruction". We must not delude ourselves and bear in mind that it is dictatorship - not democracy - that is inherent in the capitalist system. It is daily in labor relations within companies and on the "labor market". The labor movement, through struggle, has won democratic rights, but these are challenged as soon as the dominant class feels its power threatened. That was true in the 1930s, and it remains true today. Trump is worried about the fractions of the possessors, but at the same time he responds, in his own way, to a capitalist "demand", for the deepening of austerity policies requires strong power. Whether in the populist or neo-liberal form, the authoritarian tendency asserts itself everywhere: Erdogan, Putin, Junker, Xi Jiping, Fillon ... The "Muslim ban", a test drive Donald Trump is not a bourgeois politician like any other. He is an unscrupulous liar and a manipulator, like Hitler, Napoleon III and some other figures of the same ilk. In times of political crisis and disarray, in which the bourgeoisie itself is deeply divided, such characters are capable of striking blows to create the pretext for their dictatorship - as Hitler did with the fire Of the Reichstag. In the eyes of the bourgeoisie, racist national populism, by designating scapegoats, can facilitate the establishment of an authoritarian regime. If it does not meet with sufficient social resistance, the majority of employers can join it, or let it happen. Analyzing in detail the executive order on the "Muslim ban", Laleh Khalili believes that it was deliberately designed to create "the uncertainty and arbitrariness necessary for the exercise of power by the fait accompli." [10] In addition, the author draws attention to the fact that the Trump Executive Order was applied immediately and with zeal by the officials of the border administration, a very favorable environment for the new president. One wonders how the case would have evolved without the spontaneous and massive anti-racist social resistance. The crisis of the American parties, in particular that of the Republican Party, creates a context favorable to the "strategy of the shock," and one can only follow Laleh Khalili when she notes that "this method is perfectly suited to the authoritarian style of Trump and Its advisers ". Steve Bannon is a far-right fundamentalist, Christian fundamentalist who aims to destroy the US establishment to establish a dictatorship that will wage war on Islam and China. Once individuals of this style seize political power, it can not be ruled out that they can effectively force the future within certain limits. An unprecedented barbarity potential The consequences would be daunting. On the socio-political level, of course. But also on the environmental level, with major social and health impacts. In this regard, one must read the account of the hearing before the Senate committee of Scott Pruitt, whom Trump appointed to head the Environmental Protection Agency: Prudently brazenly, but fails to hide that " It aims to dismantle not only the (very) insufficient climate policy, but also key legislation on the regulation of emissions of lead, mercury, etc. [11]. Scott Pruitt Jeremy Legget believes that Trump's nuisance capacity in the climate issue is limited, because the capitalist energy transition is irreversible [12]. It is probably irreversible, given that the fall in prices of electricity from renewable sources condemns fossils in the coming decades. But, on the one hand, this capitalist transition will not save the climate because it does not respect either the constraints in terms of emission reductions or the deadlines of the latter. On the other hand, as Legget himself admits, Trump's international policy could, by a leap forward in war, create a de facto situation where the ruling class would be constrained, whether it liked it or not , To return the fight against the warming to the xth priority ... Given that we are on the edge of the razor, the result would be terrible, and probably irreversible. From this point of view, Trump's potential for barbarism exceeds all that capitalism has been capable of in the past. As François Chesnais writes: "Capitalism's encounter with limits that it can not cross does not in any way mean the end of the bourgeoisie's political and social domination, let alone its death, But it opens up the prospect of humanity being drawn into barbarism. " Nothing is played, everything depends on the struggle A well-known English phrase says "Every cloud has its silver lining". The impotence of neo-liberal governance in the face of growing global irrationality is expressed not only on the right in Trumpism. It is also expressed to the left in the strong radicalization made visible by the Occupy movement, and then by the campaign of Bernie Sanders for the Democratic investiture. The election of Trump dramatically reinforces this polarization. The exploited and the oppressed reacted immediately by mass mobilizations, largely spontaneous. One week after the massive March of Women of January 21, hundreds of thousands of people took action against the "Muslim ban". Other struggles will follow. Already, the call for a People's March for Climate on April 29 is likely to outstrip the big climate event that brought together 300,000 people in New York in 2014. In this struggle, there is nothing to expect from democratic politicians. Bernie Sanders frightened them more than Trump. They speak of democracy, but embody a neoliberal policy that is out of breath and becomes itself more and more authoritarian. The only realistic strategy is to develop the mobilizations and to make them converge by trying to orient them in an anticapitalist sense. It is a question of drawing lessons from Bernie Sanders' success in the Democratic primary: it is only by opposing an ecosocialist rationality - the rationality of the satisfaction of real human needs, democratically determined with respect for the environment - The false partial rationality of the capital that it is possible to block Trump. ***It is in the interest of the exploited and the oppressed throughout the world to mark their broadest and most active solidarity with the mobilizations in the United States. Besides, it is not about solidarity, but about common struggle. For the common interest of the exploited and the oppressed of the whole world is to defeat Trump. His defeat will be that of all despots - or despot candidates - who play nationalism or populism to enslave the populations.*** [Emphasis added.] ***The showdown in the United States is global. If trumpism is defeated, or if it has to "disengage" under the pressure of the street, this victory will encourage the counter-offensive of the people everywhere. If he were to win, however, the risk of a third world war would have to be seriously apprehended.*** [Emphasis added.] (7 February 2017) ____ Daniel Tanuro is the author of L'impossible capitalisme vert; Pocket collection La Découverte; Translated into English, Spanish, Italian, German, Turkish. Thanks to Dan La Botz and Charles-André Udry for their suggestions (DT) [1] Ernest Mandel, "The Long Waves of Capitalist Development. A Marxist interpretation, "Syllepse (Paris), 2014. [2] Read François Chesnais, "Did Capitalism encounter insurmountable limits?", Http://alencontre.org/laune/le-capitalisme-a-t-on-limited-limits-countable. html [3] Kim Moody, "Who Put Trump in the White House?", Against The Current, Jan-Feb 2017. [4] Bannon outlined his strategic vision in a conference given in 2014 in the Vatican (!). Reading this text is essential. http://www.dignitatishumanae.com/index.php/this-is-how-steve-bannon-sees-the-entire-world/ [5] Stern Review, The Economics of Climate Change, 2006. [6] Read Lance Selfa, "What does it mean to make America great again?" Http://alencontre.org/ameriques/americnord/usa/etats-unis-quest-ce-que- means-make-lamerique-a-new-grande.html [7] Dan La Botz, "Trump Makes Early Enemies", http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article4854 [8] Financial Times, Jan. 31, https://www.ft.com/content/315f7568-e6fe-11e6-893c-082c54a7f539 [9] On the role of individuals in history, read Ernest Mandel, "Individuals and social classes: the case of the Second World War" http://www.ernestmandel.org/new/ecrits/article/les -individuals and the classes [10] Laleh Khalili, "With Muslim Ban, Trump and Bannon Wanted Chaos, But Not Resistance" http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/39298-sowing-mayhem-to-reap-power-the -sinister-strategy-behind-trump-s-muslim-ban [11] https://www.nrdc.org/experts/john-walke/trump-epa-nominee-answers-senators-contempt-and-extremism?utm_source=tw&utm_medium=tweet&utm_campaign=socialmedia [12] Jeremy Legget, "State of the Transition, December 2016", http://www.jeremyleggett.net/2017/01/state-of-the-transition-december-2016-as-fossil-fuel-diehards- take-over-the-white-house-the-evidence-of-a-fast-moving global-energy-transition-has-never-been-clearer / [13] On the possible impact of the climate-negationist measures that Trump would take, read D. Tanuro, "Prevent Trump from committing a climate crime" http://www.lcr-lagauche.org/empechons-trump-de-commettre -a-crimes-against-humanity-climate-and-environment / -- Peace Is Doable -- You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Green Youth Movement" group. To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to [email protected]. To post to this group, send an email to [email protected]. Visit this group at https://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth. For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
