'Not In My Name' was not, repeat not, organised in the name of "upper caste
Hindus".

And, the people who eventually gathered, to register their strong
disapproval of the of the ongoing violence by lynch mobs - that would, In
guess, include Una as well, did cut across too many divides.
The photographic, and other, evidences/testimonies available from Delhi and
Mumbai, in particular, indicate significant Muslim presence.

The claim that "Hinduism" and "Hindutva" are one and the same is a familiar
Hindutva apologist line. (Never mind that the term was specifically chosen
by Savarkar, in a pamphlet - 'Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?', penned by him in
1923 and invested it with a twisted, new, meaning.)
The challenge to its veracity does not, ipso facto, constitute a defence of
Hinduism - either as a whole or its discriminatory and oppressive caste
system, in particular.

Anyway, 'Not In My Name' did not venture to do even that, by any stretch.
It was a creative expression of strong outrage against the ongoing mob
lynching.
Near-spontaneous.

And, the Prime Minister had to take note.
No matter, howsoever hypocritical.

Sukla

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Shiva Shankar <[email protected]>
Date: 29 June 2017 at 10:05
Subject: The Savarna redemption: Why 'Not In My Name' campaign is a part of
the problem


... By creating an imaginary and false difference between ‘Hinduism’ and
‘Hindutva’, upper caste liberals have conveniently compartmentalized the
Hindu religion and the violence it sanctions. But in reality, both Hinduism
and Hindutva set out to uphold Brahmanical supremacy and therefore can only
mean the same. ... Instead of directing their noble intentions and rage
outwardly and thereby disassociating themselves from these acts of
violence, upper caste liberals should instead look inward and see if they
can bring about any change. If we intend to speak against the violence that
is inflicted on Muslims and Dalits in this country, we should first learn
to utter the word ‘Brahmanism’. Shying away from the root cause and merely
speaking about the symptoms is a pointless act.

The Savarna redemption: Why 'Not In My Name' campaign is a part of the
problem: If we intend to speak against the violence that is inflicted on
Muslims and Dalits in this country, we should first learn to utter the word
‘Brahmanism’. - Rajesh Rajamani Tuesday, June 27, 2017 - 18:11

... Also, the campaign makes one wonder what it seeks to protest against.
Is it against those specific individuals who participated in the acts of
violence? Or is it against the several Hindu groups, which seem emboldened
since the BJP came to power at the centre? Or is it against the ruling BJP
government itself? Or is it against Brahmanism and the Hindu religion,
which allow for violence to preserve social inequality?

Because it is certainly surprising to see how several of those who have
joined this campaign claim, “I am a Hindu. But I am against the lynching of
Muslims and Dalits. #NotInMyName” or “Save Hinduism from Hindutva!
#NotInMyName”. By creating an imaginary and false difference between
‘Hinduism’ and ‘Hindutva’, upper caste liberals have conveniently
compartmentalized the Hindu religion and the violence it sanctions. But in
reality, both Hinduism and Hindutva set out to uphold Brahmanical supremacy
and therefore can only mean the same.

However, this convenient compartmentalization has allowed upper caste
liberals to preserve and benefit from the Brahmanical structure, but at the
same time speak against the violence it perpetuates. Such campaigns can be
win-win situations for these liberals but they serve no real use for those
oppressed by the structure.

Whose name is it anyway?

This is not the first time such empty campaigns have gained currency in
liberal spaces. Earlier, when Mohammad Akhlaq was lynched based on a rumor
that his family had consumed beef, liberals protested against it by
instagramming images of beef dishes and sharing chilly beef recipes. Fully
aware of their privileged caste location and knowing that these ‘acts of
protests’ would not put them in any danger, they repeatedly indulged in it.

However, there was absolutely no attempt made to introspect or understand
how these food-policing rules and the subsequent acts of violence stem from
the Brahmanical Hindu religion. This is because any such introspection
would involve questioning one’s own location within the Brahmanical Hindu
fold and how it provides them with privileges and protection. Dismantling
the Brahmanical Hindu structure would mean that upper caste liberals might
have to lose their privileges and be reduced to a disadvantaged position
compared to now. ...




-- 
Peace Is Doable

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