I/III.
https://www.vox.com/world/2017/7/27/16051892/trump-
transgender-ban-army-chief-staff

Trump: I consulted the military about the transgender ban. Military: no,
you didn’t.

Updated by Zack Beauchamp@[email protected]  Jul 27, 2017, 4:10pm
EDT

Photo by
(Mark Wilson/Getty Images)

President Donald Trump said his decision to ban transgender people from
serving in the military, announced via Twitter on Wednesday morning, came
“after consultation with my generals and military experts.” It’s becoming
clearer and clearer that he was lying.

Secretary of Defense James Mattis was on vacation when the decision was
announced, and privately opposed the move. The Chair of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, Marine Gen. James Dunford, said Thursday that the military wouldn’t
implement the ban absent a formal, non-tweeted order from the commander in
chief.

And then there were the remarkable remarks that Army Chief of Staff Gen.
Mark Milley made during a luncheon at the National Press Club.

During the lunch, Milley told reporters that he found out about the ban
"the same way everybody else did — on the news." At the time, he was
holding a glass of wine:

View image on Twitter
View image on Twitter
 Follow
Natalie Johnson ✔ @nataliejohnsonn
Army Chief of Staff Gen. Mark Milley says, while holding a glass of wine,
he too found out about Trump's transgender ban through the news
11:25 PM - Jul 27, 2017
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It’s hard to imagine a better symbol of how much confusion Trump’s tweets
are causing within the military than the Army’s highest-ranking officer
saying he found about it through the press, all the while holding a glass
of wine.

This would be funny if it weren’t so depressing
There is no rational basis for Trump’s policy.

A RAND Corporation study looked at 18 foreign militaries that allowed open
trans service and found no negative impact on military readiness. The same
study estimated that covering gender-affirming surgery and treatment would
cost the military “between $2.4 million and $8.4 million annually,
representing a 0.04- to 0.13-percent increase in active-component health
care expenditures.” By point of comparison: The military spends about $84
million on erectile dysfunction treatments.

What’s more, it’s not even clear what the policy is. Would it bar openly
trans people from joining the military going forward, or would it force the
military to discharge trans people who are already serving? Would trans
veterans — people who have already fought in wars — still be able to get
health care through the VA?

These policy points are not details. Without answers to them, it’s
literally impossible to figure out what Trump wants the military to do.

Consulting with the military in a meaningful sense might have cleared this
up. It might even have helped convince the Trump team that the policy was
unnecessary and, more importantly, cruel.

The administration didn’t do that. Instead, thousands of trans
servicemembers have had their careers put at risk and their basic dignity
insulted, without even the pretense of a fair and reasonable process. As my
colleague Alex Ward reports, some Democratic senators are trying to reverse
the Trump ban, but it’s far from clear they’ll succeed.

Milley’s wine announcement is pretty funny, to be sure. But it also exposes
the moral rot at the heart of the Trump administration’s latest example of
policymaking by tweet.

II/III.
https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/7/28/
16050148/trump-fire-sessions-recess-appointment

Trump wants Robert Mueller gone. He needs to get rid of Jeff Sessions first.

Updated by Dara [email protected]  Jul 28, 2017, 11:30am EDT

Shawn Thew via Getty

Washington is justifiably obsessed with the unprecedented battle between
President Donald Trump and Attorney General Jeff Sessions, an early and
vocal Trump supporter who now finds himself at the receiving end of the
president’s verbal and Twitter abuse.

Depending on which anonymous report you believe, Trump is either a) getting
ready to fire Sessions, b) deliberately humiliating Sessions to get him to
quit, or c) throwing a temper tantrum with no actual plan of ousting the
attorney general or persuading him to resign.

A Sessions firing or resignation would have enormous repercussions for the
war on drugs and Trump’s ongoing efforts to crack down on media leaks and
deport more unauthorized immigrants.

Don’t be fooled, though. The Sessions drama is a mere symptom of Trump’s
true obsession: the metastasizing criminal investigation into whether his
campaign colluded with Russia and whether he personally tried to obstruct
justice by firing then-FBI Director James Comey.

The man who is most fully in Trump’s crosshairs, in other words, isn’t Jeff
Sessions; it’s Robert Mueller, the Justice Department special counsel
running the investigation into Trump, his family, and senior members of his
campaign.

Sessions would, in a real sense, be collateral damage from Trump’s
escalating war with Mueller. That’s because getting rid of Mueller would
require getting rid of Sessions first.

The bad news is that Trump has the power to fire his attorney general
whenever he wants to, for whatever reason he wants to. The good news is
that replacing Sessions with someone more compliant — and more willing to
shutter the Mueller probe — would be so difficult that Trump might
ultimately choose not to.

Trump’s fight with Jeff Sessions isn’t actually about Jeff Sessions
The irony of Trump’s current fight with Sessions is that the president is
furious that Sessions did the one thing both parties have praised him for
doing: recusing himself from all aspects of the Justice Department’s Russia
investigation. In an eye-opening interview last week with the New York
Times, Trump said he wouldn’t have appointed Sessions if he’d known
Sessions was going to recuse himself: “If he was going to recuse himself,
he should have told me before he took the job and I would have picked
somebody else.”

The president has insulted the attorney general almost every day since.

But that’s not all Trump has been fuming over. He and his inner circle are
also increasingly obsessed with Mueller, who is now investigating events
including Trump’s business dealings with Russians before launching his
presidential campaign; a meeting Trump’s son Donald Trump Jr., son-in-law
Jared Kushner, and campaign manager Paul Manafort had with
Kremlin-connected lawyer Natalia Veselnitskaya in Trump Tower in 2016; and
Trump’s decision to fire FBI Director Comey in May. In the same New York
Times interview in which Trump rued appointing Sessions, he issued a veiled
threat to Mueller: Asked if investigating Trump family finances would cross
a red line, the president said, “I would say yes.”

Mueller Testifies At Senate FBI Oversight Hearing
Robert Mueller, President Trump’s real target. Photo by Alex Wong/Getty
Images
Trump allies like Newt Gingrich have publicly argued for Mueller’s
dismissal because of his alleged friendship with Comey and the fact that
some of the lawyers on his team have donated money to Democrats; in an NPR
interview Monday, Gingrich referred to Mueller’s team as “paid killers.”

The problem is that the Justice Department regulations creating Mueller’s
position say that a “Special Counsel may be disciplined or removed from
office only by the personal action of the Attorney General.”

And that’s where things get tricky for the president. Sessions, the current
attorney general, can’t fire Mueller because he already recused himself
from the investigation Mueller now leads. The deputy attorney general, Rod
Rosenstein, does have the power to fire Mueller — but he’s the one who
hired Mueller to begin with, so it’s virtually impossible to imagine him
obeying a White House order to oust Mueller.

That means actually firing Mueller would require the administration to
sidestep Rosenstein. And the only way to sidestep Rosenstein would be to
appoint a new attorney general, one who — unlike Sessions — wouldn’t be
recused from making Russia-related decisions.

The trick would be finding a nominee that the White House would trust to do
its bidding, and then figuring out how to get that person through a Senate
furious over Trump’s treatment of Sessions and already signaling that it
wouldn’t even begin confirmation hearings for his successor.

Just nominating a Sessions replacement won’t work
In theory, this should be simple. Trump’s party controls the Senate, and
while Republicans in Congress have repeatedly expressed concern with
Trump’s behavior over the Russia investigation — from firing Comey to
threatening to fire Sessions — they haven’t yet reached a point of actually
standing up to him about it. Trump could call their bluff, nominate a new
attorney general, and wait to see if enough Republicans would actually be
willing to cross him and sink the nomination.

But that would be a risky bet on the administration’s part. Sessions was a
popular member of the Senate, and many of his fellow Republicans are
already furious about how Trump has treated him. On Thursday, Sen. Lindsey
Graham (R-SC) warned that going after Mueller could spell “the end of the
Trump presidency” — and threatened, “If Jeff Sessions is fired, there will
be holy hell to pay.”

Republican members of Congress have been willing to yield to Trump on most
issues, but the combination of the severity of the Russia allegations and
the president’s treatment of one of their own means this could actually be
a hill they’re willing to die on. Trump’s bullying tweets haven’t really
worked with health care, and there’s good reason to think they wouldn’t
work now.

Senate Judiciary Chair Charles Grassley (R-IA) has already drawn a line in
the sand, warning the president that his committee wouldn’t hold
confirmation hearings for a new attorney general until next year:

 Follow
ChuckGrassley ✔ @ChuckGrassley
Everybody in D.C. Shld b warned that the agenda for the judiciary Comm is
set for rest of 2017. Judges first subcabinet 2nd / AG no way
5:48 AM - Jul 27, 2017
  4,143 4,143 Retweets   9,101 9,101 likes
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Since there would be no way to fire Mueller until a new attorney general
was in place, that kind of timetable would mean Mueller would have at least
half a year to continue his work unimpeded. That’s a long time for Trump to
worry about what the former FBI chief might find.

The Senate is preemptively making it harder to replace Sessions
The president has already thought this far, at least. According to the
Washington Post, he’s mulling the possibility of using the Senate’s August
break to nominate a Sessions replacement — thus taking advantage of the
constitutional provision that allows a “recess appointment” to step into
the job without going through the Senate first.

The problem for Trump is that Democrats saw that gambit coming days ago,
and can take steps that would make it impossible for Trump to actually do
so. More specifically, Democrats could keep the Senate in “pro forma”
session indefinitely by showing up every three days to keep the chamber
technically active.

Even with a president of their own party in office, Senate Republicans
decided in January to keep the pro forma tradition. And this week, they
made it clear they’re not going to change their minds in order to allow
Trump to do the very thing the pro forma session is supposed to prevent.

“If you’re thinking about making a recess appointment to replace the
attorney general,” Sen. Ben Sasse (R-NE) said on the Senate floor Thursday,
“forget about it.”

Trump could try to force the Senate to go into recess, but only by
potentially sparking a literal constitutional crisis.

The Senate, technically, needs the consent of the House to adjourn for more
than three days. The House has never refused to grant that consent — but in
theory, it could.

That’s where things would get really dicey. The Constitution says that “in
Case of Disagreement between” the chambers “with Respect to the Time of
Adjournment,” the president “may adjourn them to such Time as he shall
think proper.”

In other words, Trump would at least in theory have the power to force the
Senate to go into recess — allowing him to nominate a Sessions replacement
who would not need a confirmation vote.

This would be unprecedented in the 228 years that America’s been governed
by the Constitution. It would create a constitutional crisis: As former
Senate parliamentarian Alan Frumin told the New York Times, “If he can
force them into adjournment, he can in essence terminate Congress.”

But Trump has been known to do things specifically because people told him
he couldn’t. And his administration hasn’t shown much deference to
governing norms. Trying to force the Senate into recess might cause chaos,
but that doesn’t mean Trump wouldn’t try it.

Trump has one other option, but it would be either slow or difficult
Trump doesn’t really need a permanent attorney general to fire Mueller,
though. He just needs some sort of attorney general — even an acting AG
temporarily slotted in between Sessions and whoever he wants to fill the
job in 2018. It doesn’t take that long to fire a special counsel, or to
restrict the scope of his investigation.

And Trump has an option for appointing just such a temporary attorney
general — thanks, ironically, to a 1998 law that was passed to give the
president less leeway in naming acting government officials.

In 1997, President Clinton nominated Bill Lann Lee to lead the Civil Rights
Division at the Department of Justice, but the Senate Judiciary Committee
refused to approve his nomination. Instead of nominating someone else,
though, Clinton allowed the position to remain formally empty — but named
Lee to serve as acting civil rights head instead.

In response, the Senate passed the Vacancies Reform Act of 1998, which
defined two pools of people who could be named to an “acting” position:
relatively senior officials who had been working within the department in
question for at least 90 days, or officials from anywhere in the federal
government who had been appointed by the president and confirmed by the
Senate.

The latter could lead to some mildly ridiculous scenarios (Acting Attorney
Gen. Rick Perry! Acting Attorney Gen. Betsy DeVos! Acting Attorney Gen.
Linda McMahon!). But the former actually gives Trump a lot of options.

Chris Geidner and Jeremy Singer-Vine, reporting for BuzzFeed, found that
thousands of current DOJ lawyers meet the seniority requirements to get
appointed acting AG under the Vacancies Reform Act. At least some of those
are likely to be loyal to Trump.

Indeed, “anywhere from six to 17 of the lawyers who joined the Justice
Department as Trump began his presidency” — the “beachhead team” designed
to set the department on an appropriately Trumpian path — might now be
eligible to serve as Sessions’s temporary replacement under the Vacancies
Reform Act.

Trump only needs one.

But if the Vacancies Reform Act is the clearest answer for how Trump could
name a replacement for Sessions, it raises a tricky question about how to
get Sessions to vacate the position to begin with.

It’s simply not clear whether the president is allowed to use the Vacancies
Reform Act to appoint an acting replacement for an official that he himself
has just fired.


You knew we weren’t getting through this without an Apprentice reference.
David Becker/Getty
The text of the law only lists cases where the previous appointee “dies,
resigns, or is otherwise unable to perform the functions and duties of the
office.”

Was “is fired” explicitly left out because Congress didn’t want the law to
apply in those cases, or is it supposed to count under being “unable to
perform the duties of the office”?

It depends what method you use to gauge Congress’s intent in passing the
law.

Comparing the Vacancies Reform Act to the text of other federal laws — the
Presidential Succession Act applies to cases of “death, resignation,
removal from office, (or) inability or failure to qualify” for instance —
might lead a judge to believe that the Vacancies Reform Act deliberately
excluded replacements for fired officials. But looking at statements made
by members of Congress when the bill was being debated might lead to the
opposite conclusion. Author Sen. Fred Thompson (R-TN) said that the law on
the books at the time “does not apply when the officer is fired,” but that
the Vacancies Reform Act would fix it — to “make the law cover all
situations” (except illness) “when the officer cannot perform his duties.”

If Sessions resigns, this problem doesn’t arise. This might be why, so far,
Trump has declined to fire the attorney general he so clearly wishes would
go away. But so far, Sessions has given every indication that if Trump
wants him out, he’ll have to fire him: “If (Trump) wants to make a change,”
Sessions told Tucker Carlson on Thursday night, “he can certainly do so.”

Trump may eventually lose patience and simply decide to do just that.

If Trump fires Sessions, though, there’s nothing preventing him from
appointing an acting AG and simply claiming it’s allowed under the
Vacancies Reform Act. He’d almost certainly get challenged in court. And
it’s entirely possible that a federal judge would rule against the
administration and moot the appointment of the acting AG.

But by the time that happens, it’s also entirely possible the acting AG
will already have fired Mueller — or issued “guidance” that hamstrings
Mueller’s investigation.

Maybe the Trump administration is queasy about that kind of brinksmanship
and opportunism. Maybe they aren’t. After all, we’re talking about
situations in which the president fires an attorney general so that he can
get a special counsel fired. Thinking about the legally proper way to do
things seems almost quaint.

III.
http://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-trump-priebus-idUSKBN1AC2L4

JULY 27, 2017 / 9:37 PM / 6 HOURS AGO

Top Trump lieutenant Scaramucci lashes colleagues in obscene rant

Steve Holland

5 MIN READ

White House Communications Director Anthony Scaramucci talks to the media
outside the White House in Washington, U.S., July 25, 2017.
Yuri Gripas
(Note: Strong language in paragraph 3)

By Steve Holland

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Open warfare erupted inside President Donald Trump's
inner circle as his new communications director, Anthony Scaramucci,
attacked senior White House colleagues in obscene comments published on
Thursday.

Scaramucci blasted White House chief of staff Reince Priebus and Trump's
chief strategist, Steve Bannon, in an article in The New Yorker based on a
telephone conversation on Wednesday night between one of the magazine's
correspondents and Scaramucci.

Amid a stream of vulgar language, the former Wall Street financier named to
the communications post last Friday called Priebus a "fucking paranoid
schizophrenic" and accused Bannon of trying to build his own brand "off the
fucking strength of the president."

In a Twitter message after the article appeared online, Scaramucci said: "I
sometimes use colorful language. I will refrain in this arena but not give
up the passionate fight for @realDonaldTrump's agenda."

Asked about the article, White House press secretary Sarah Sanders said the
administration was focused on healthcare and other items.

"He used some colorful language that I don't anticipate he'll do again,"
she told reporters. Any apology "needs to happen personally between them,"
she said.

Priebus and Bannon had no comment.

RELATED COVERAGE
Factbox: Scaramucci's financial potpourri - baseball, movies, diet shakes
Factbox: Scaramucci's financial potpourri - baseball, movies, diet shakes

Trump himself made no public comment on his aide's outburst. Some of
Trump's advisers have questioned Priebus' competence and his position
appeared weak. Republicans close to the White House said Trump's family had
also been critical of his chief of staff.

The drama was the latest sign of disarray within the Trump White House even
as it tries to advance healthcare and tax reform legislation. The president
himself is preoccupied with an investigation into Russian meddling in last
year's presidential election and has been fiercely critical in recent days
of his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions.

The scathing remarks by Scaramucci came as he and other Trump loyalists
ratcheted up pressure on Priebus, a former Republican National Committee
chairman, who does not have years-long ties with Trump.

There has been speculation that Priebus, who steered the party apparatus
behind Trump's unorthodox candidacy in last year's election, is on his way
out because Trump has no major legislative achievements in his first six
months in office.

White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus walks to join U.S. President
Donald Trump to depart for travel to France from the White House in
Washington, U.S. July 12, 2017.
Jonathan Ernst
'I'm Not Steve Bannon'

Earlier in the day, Sanders would not say whether Trump had confidence in
Priebus.

"We all serve at the pleasure of the president and if it gets to a place
where that isn't the place, he'll let you know," Sanders told reporters.

She added that Trump "hires the very best people" who are not always going
to agree and that he supports "healthy competition, and with that
competition you usually get the best results."

Priebus had sought to block Scaramucci from a White House job, according to
officials. Priebus' allies said Trump's hiring of Scaramucci, which
prompted press secretary Sean Spicer to resign, was a bad omen for Priebus.

Slideshow (2 Images)
In The New Yorker article, Scaramucci demanded to know how the reporter
found out about a White House dinner Scaramucci had with Trump on
Wednesday. In the conversation, Scaramucci made clear he suspected that
Priebus had leaked the information to the reporter, calling Priebus "a
paranoiac,” according to the magazine.

Scaramucci also told The New Yorker that unlike Bannon, he had no interest
in media attention.

"I’m not Steve Bannon," he said, adding: "I’m here to serve the country.”

On Wednesday, Scaramucci appeared to suggest in a Twitter message, later
deleted, that the Federal Bureau of Investigation should investigate
Priebus over a leak of Scaramucci's financial records.

"If Reince wants to explain he's not a leaker, let him do that," Scaramucci
said on CNN's "New Day" on Thursday.

U.S. House of Representatives Speaker Paul Ryan defended Priebus on
Thursday. The two men, both from Wisconsin, are close.

"Reince is doing a fantastic job at the White House and I believe he has
the president's confidence. If those two gentlemen have differences, my
advice would be to sit down and settle your differences," Ryan told a news
conference.

Trump allies saw the drama playing out as a sign that the group of original
Trump supporters was growing weary of Priebus and the RNC faction he
brought with him.

"There is a widespread feeling among Trump supporters that he's never been
a real supporter of Donald Trump and that he isn't playing to win on the
president's behalf," said an outside Trump adviser. "After six months of
this, time is up."

Additional reporting by Doina Chiacu and Will Dunham; Editing by Kevin
Drawbaugh and Peter Cooney

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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