[Indeed, the outcry against missionaries is just propaganda designed, as
Mascarenhas pointed out, to mobilise people for the Hindutva cause. The
mobilisation is based on spreading hatred against Christian missionaries
and dividing Adivasis on the basis of their faith. It also prevents Adivasi
assertion, required to ensure they do not unite to oppose mines, the
setting up of factories and exploitation of forests. As the only party to
bait religious minorities, the Bharatiya Janata Party hopes to gain from
the polarisation between Christian Adivasis and those who have been
Hinduised or follow local faiths.

Fathoming the pitfalls of such polarisation, Sarna leaders in Jharkhand
said they would study the provisions of the state’s anti-conversion law
and, simultaneously, demanded a separate religion code for Sarna. But
Hindutva leaders, including Raghubar Das, have been silent on this demand.
This is because to accept it would undermine Hindutva’s very idea of
uniting non-Christians and non-Muslims under an overarching Hindu identity
and counting them as adherents of Hinduism.]

https://scroll.in/article/850957/census-data-shows-the-outcry-against-christian-missionaries-by-hindutva-groups-is-propaganda

Census data shows the outcry against Christian missionaries by Hindutva
groups is propaganda
The bogey of evangelism is vital to the Hindutva mission of turning the
majority community into a monolithic political constituency.
by  Ajaz Ashraf

Published 14 hours ago

Census data shows the outcry against Christian missionaries by Hindutva
groups is propaganda

Anuwar Hazarika/Reuters

Theodore Mascarenhas, secretary-general of the Catholic Bishops Council of
India, the apex body of Roman Catholics, recently appealed to Prime
Minister Narendra Modi to curb the “spread of hatred by [Jharkhand] Chief
Minister Raghubar Das”. Mascarenhas pointed out that a manifestation of
this hatred was the advertisement the Das government issued in August,
accusing Christian missionaries of converting Dalits and Adivasis to
Christianity.

The advertisement was published just before the state legislature adopted
the Religious Freedom Bill, 2017, which prescribes stringent punishment to
those convicted of using force or allurement to proselytise people. It is
hard to tell whether hatred motivates Das, but he is undeniably paranoid
about Christians and Muslims outstripping Hindus in Jharkhand, which,
according to the 2011 Census, is nowhere near facing such a threat.

Christians account for just 4.3% of Jharkhand’s population, Muslims 14.53%
and Hindus 67.83%, according to the Census. If the figure for Hindus is
relatively low in comparison to many states, it is because 12.84% of the
state’s population counted themselves as followers of “Other Religions”, an
omnibus category of local faiths in the Census.

In Jharkhand, followers of “Other Religions” are primarily those of the
Sarna faith, who worship nature. For long, they have been campaigning to
have Sarna assigned a separate code during the Census so that it is
recognised as a distinct religion, instead of being subsumed in the
category of “Other Religions.”

Despite Jharkhand having a minority population of 31.67% (including
Muslims, Christians and Other Religions), Hinduism is the majority religion
in 19 out of 24 districts of the state. Only Simdega is a Christian
majority district, with 51.4% of the population following that faith. But
Simdega is also the third least populated district. Topping the list of
least populated districts are Lohardaga and Khunti, both of which have
Hindus in the minority. None of these three districts has a population of
over six lakhs. In addition, Hindus are also in the minority in Gumla and
Paschimi Singhbhum, both of which have a population of over 1 crore each.


Except for Simdega, it is Sarna followers who are dominant in the four
remaining districts in which Hindus are a minority. Sarnas account for
51.1% of Lohardaga’s population, 44.62% of Gumla’s, 45.37% of Khunti’s, and
a whopping 62.96% of Paschimi Singhbhum. In contrast, Christians comprise
just 3.63% of Lohardaga’s population, 19.75% of Gumla’s, a substantial
25.65% of Khunti’s and 5.83% of Paschimi Singhbhum’s.

It is obvious that after decades of providing healthcare and education
facilities, apart from their alleged evangelism, Christian missionaries
have not managed to convert Adivasis on a scale as is alleged.

Given that Christians in Jharkhand are also largely Adivasis, the leaders
of the Sarna faith support the anti-conversion law, dismayed as they are to
see their numbers dwindle. But the alleged propensity of Christian
missionaries to covert Adivasis is just a factor in their decreasing
population.

As Krishna Kant Toppo, a former secretary of the now-defunct Sarna Central
Committee, told the Indian Express, “The best thing would be the Sarna
code, which would enable us to get enumerated in the Census as a separate
religion. Otherwise…some give in to the Church, others migrate, and a few
of them get to recite Hanuman Chalisa in the morning.”

Spectre of conversions
For well over a century, India’s Census, conducted every 10 years, has been
a crucial factor in bolstering caste and religious consciousness. This is
precisely why Hindutva leaders are reluctant to support the demand for
Sarna to be treated as a separate religion. They insist that those
classified under the category of “Other Religions” in the Census are Hindu,
on the basis of which they invent a Hindu identity for them.

They also raise the spectre of India turning Christian with a little help
from the West. This was the rationale behind passing anti-conversion laws
in a slew of states – Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal
Pradesh, Gujarat and now Jharkhand.

When the Census religion data of 2011 was released in 2015, newspapers
carried alarmist stories saying that the Christian population in Odisha has
grown by 478% and Muslims by 323% in the last 50 years, as against Hindus
increasing by just 130%. Who would ever put out a headline saying that
despite growing by 478%, Christians are just 2.77% of Odisha’s population
today, rising from 1.15% in 1961. (Muslims are 2.17% and Hindus 93.63%.)


Between 2001 and 2011, Odisha’s Hindu population dipped by 0.72%. In 1961,
they constituted 97.57% of the state’s population. They are nowhere near
being swamped. All districts in Odisha are Hindu majority. The Christian
population has crossed double digits in percentage terms in only three of
them. These are Sundargarh (18.39%), Kandhamal (20.31%) and Gajapati
(37.98%). The category of Other Religions constitutes just 1.14% of the
state’s population.


In Chhattisgarh, for all the talk of missionaries converting Adivasis, the
state’s 18 districts at the time of the 2011 Census (nine new districts
were carved out in 2012) have an overwhelming Hindu majority. Christians
comprise just 1.92% of the state’s population, Muslims 2.02% and Hindus
92.25%. Only Jashpur district has a Christian population of 22.26%. None of
the remaining 17 districts has a Christian population of more than 5%. In
fact, in 11 of these, Christians comprise less than 1% of the population.


In Madhya Pradesh, judging from the stories of missionaries being nabbed
while converting Hindus, it would seem that the Christianisation of the
state is well underway. In reality, however, Christians comprise just 0.29%
of the state’s population. According to the 2011 Census, 48 of Madhya
Pradesh’s 50 districts (the 51st district was created in 2013) have less
than 1% of Christians, and the remaining two less than 4%. These are Jhabua
(3.75%) and Mandla (1.18%).


Himachal Pradesh has 95.17% Hindus, 2.18% Muslims and just 0.18%
Christians. Eleven of the state’s 12 districts have Hindus in the majority.
Hindus are in the minority in Lahaul and Spiti, where Buddhists account for
62.01% of the population. Himachal Pradesh is the only state where an
anti-conversion law was passed by a Congress government, in 2007.


Similarly, in Gujarat, where an anti-conversion law was enacted in 2003
under the chief ministership of Narendra Modi, Christians comprise just
0.52% of the state’s population (Muslims are 9.67% and Hindus 88.57%.)
According to the 2011 Census, its 26 districts (seven more were carved out
in 2013) are all Hindu majority. Barring Tapi with 6.77% and The Dangs with
8.77%, the Christian population does not exceed 2% in any other district in
the state.

These figures testify that either Christian missionaries are not
particularly zealous about proselytisation, or are terrible at their
mission, or people are not as amenable to conversion as Hindutva ideologues
think.

Hindutva propaganda
Indeed, the outcry against missionaries is just propaganda designed, as
Mascarenhas pointed out, to mobilise people for the Hindutva cause. The
mobilisation is based on spreading hatred against Christian missionaries
and dividing Adivasis on the basis of their faith. It also prevents Adivasi
assertion, required to ensure they do not unite to oppose mines, the
setting up of factories and exploitation of forests. As the only party to
bait religious minorities, the Bharatiya Janata Party hopes to gain from
the polarisation between Christian Adivasis and those who have been
Hinduised or follow local faiths.

Fathoming the pitfalls of such polarisation, Sarna leaders in Jharkhand
said they would study the provisions of the state’s anti-conversion law
and, simultaneously, demanded a separate religion code for Sarna. But
Hindutva leaders, including Raghubar Das, have been silent on this demand.
This is because to accept it would undermine Hindutva’s very idea of
uniting non-Christians and non-Muslims under an overarching Hindu identity
and counting them as adherents of Hinduism.

Then again, if Sarna is recognised as a separate religion, as Buddhism and
Jainism are, then what about the claims of Lingayats who say they are not
Hindu? Or, what about the Ravidassias, who declared themselves as a
separate religion in 2010? Recognising Sarna as a separate religion could
very well trigger separatist tendencies in Hinduism.

Stirrings for a separate religious identity are suppressed by propagating
that there is a conspiracy to convert Hindus into Christianity or Islam.
Intermittent violence against these minorities helps to consolidate the
Hindu community. After all, communities, like nations, tend to forget their
differences in the time of conflict. This is vital for Hindutva’s mission
of turning the 80% Hindus in India into a monolithic political constituency.

This is also precisely why Hindutva has raised the bogey of evangelism by
Christian missionaries, never mind that there is no possibility that the
land of Adivasis will transform into Christendom at least for the next few
centuries.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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