[The Indian government’s stance on the Rohingya refugees from Rakhine state
in Myanmar is from a security point of view, imprudent; from a historical
point of view, myopic; and from a moral point of view, untenable. In its
legal and political statements, the Indian government has, for all
practical purposes, declared the Rohingya to be illegal immigrants not
refugees, threatened their deportation and has declared them to be a
security threat. These claims have rickety foundations.
...  No sensible person will deny that India has to, first and foremost,
look after its own security. But treating the Rohingya as illegal migrants
will diminish rather than enhance India’s security for a number of reasons.]

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/a-few-sacks-of-rice-rohingya-refugees-myanmar-4856665/

A few sacks of rice
That’s what the government’s policy towards the Rohingya boils down to —
imprudent, myopic, untenable

Written by Pratap Bhanu Mehta | Published:September 23, 2017 12:10 am

Rohingya Muslims walk to shore after arriving on a boat from Myanmar to
Bangladesh in Shah Porir Dwip, Bangladesh, Thursday, Sept. 14, 2017. (AP
Photo/Dar Yasin)

The Indian government’s stance on the Rohingya refugees from Rakhine state
in Myanmar is from a security point of view, imprudent; from a historical
point of view, myopic; and from a moral point of view, untenable. In its
legal and political statements, the Indian government has, for all
practical purposes, declared the Rohingya to be illegal immigrants not
refugees, threatened their deportation and has declared them to be a
security threat. These claims have rickety foundations.

The current debate in India is being constructed as one between
humanitarian obligations and national security. Those advocating a more
accommodative stance towards the Rohingya are being cast as bleeding-heart
moralists with no concern for India’s security. This way of constructing
our choices is an intellectual mistake and already loads the dice in favour
of the Indian government’s stance. No sensible person will deny that India
has to, first and foremost, look after its own security. But treating the
Rohingya as illegal migrants will diminish rather than enhance India’s
security for a number of reasons.

It is clear that the Rohingya are being subjected to something that is
moving closer to ethnic cleansing. The Myanmar government has been using a
hugely exaggerated pretext of radicalisation to unleash violence and
expulsion on a whole ethnic group. If there is one thing we know from
recent history it is this. Radicalisation grows when three conditions
obtain: Groups are subjected to political violence and marginalisation, not
democratic incorporation. States lose control over territory partly because
their own repression destroys the normal fabric of civil society. And other
states that side with the repressing state also evoke resentment and become
a target.

Even in Europe, the Bosnian wars were a trigger of radicalisation in other
parts of the world. By basically condoning the Myanmar government’s
actions, by not securing assistance for stateless people, India, in effect,
might help create the conditions for greater radicalisation. By also
declaring a whole refugee community as a national security threat, largely
on communal lines, it is also aligning itself with the states that are
deepening communal conflict.

India has also implicitly put all its eggs in the basket of the Myanmar
government. This is a mistake. It is increasingly clear that states do not
find it easy to control territories in the aftermath of deep violent
conflict. We are relying on Myanmar’s promise to rehabilitate the refugees,
when it is precisely that government’s policies that are, in substantial
part, creating the push factor in the first place. It is not clear that the
Myanmar government will have the ability to deliver stability in our border
areas since it has allowed the situation to fester in the first place. We
will not be able to contain the spillovers across our porous borders if we
have alienated communities living on our borders. So, pinning all hopes in
a government that may not be able to control the situation is imprudent
from a security point of view.

Finally, there is a talk of radicalisation amongst the Rohingya; they are
also being linked to terrorist threats. Let us for a moment suppose that
there is some possibility of small sections being tempted in that
direction. It is precisely to isolate them that you need a more imaginative
refugee policy. Such a policy in all likelihood will ensure that their
numbers will not grow. A proper system of identification, rehabilitation,
and possibly reporting in India, which might allow you to actually
understand the dynamics within the community, will be better than pushing
them to a wall, where they are crushed between two states.

There is this rather curious matter of how a group of Rohingya refugees
ended up in Jammu in the first place. This has now become an issue in
domestic politics.; and the government often gives the sense that the
policy is more about catering to its core ideological constituency than it
is about addressing a serious problem. If we actually had a proper asylum
law, and better processing mechanisms for refugees, even this situation
could have been avoided. In short, there are prudent security reasons, for
treating the Rohingya with more dignity and political finesse than our
security mandarins seem to muster.

In The Garb Of Human Rights, Shouldn't Call Illegal Immigrants Refugees:
Rajnath Singh On Rohingyas

Our stance is historically myopic, since of all countries, India
understands the dynamics of ethnic conflict more deeply. India has been
exemplary in the way it accommodated refugees from Tibet, Sri Lanka,
Afghanistan and Bangladesh. It is right to say that the West should not
lecture us. But India aspires to be a great power. Its biggest asset is the
way it has been the significant open society of the region. In the larger
scheme of things, India had escaped radicalisation in large part because of
its success in democratic incorporation, and it was not identified with
persecutory ideologies of the state or of other states. The political
construct we have put around the Rohingya weakens the ideological
projection that has been India’s greatest security strength. India is, in a
sense, betraying its own historical heritage.

Finally, our stance is morally obtuse. As Devirupa Mitra of The Wire
pointed out, India has now changed its stance on an important moral
principle: The principle of non-refoulement.
This principle stops nations from returning people to a country where they
might be at risk of severe persecution. Even if India is not a signatory to
International Refugee Conventions, it takes a very pinched up moral
imagination to forcibly send back people who will in all likelihood face
persecution. There is something disquieting about a country that wants
others to have open borders for its rich and privileged, but will not help
those who show up at its door because of palpable threats to their lives.
In humanitarian terms also, Indian policy is a pittance. To put it somewhat
rhetorically, a few sacks of rice to Bangladesh is now what passes of as a
humanitarian strategy.

The problem with our current strategy is not that it is placing security
over humanitarianism. It is that it is doing so in a way that is imprudent
and likely to be self-defeating.

The writer is vice-chancellor, Ashoka University. Views expressed are
personal

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Peace Is Doable

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