[Tribals constitute around 27 per cent of Jharkhand’s population. Among
them, 4.3 per cent are Christians, about 13 per cent Sarnas (animistic
believers) and the rest are largely Hindu tribals. Thus, a homogeneous
tribal identity is a misnomer. Identity is not a static construction: It
evolves with confronting situations. Tribals are no exception.
Through centuries of cultural contact with both Hinduism and Christianity,
tribals in Jharkhand have dynamically syncretised their traditional belief
system of nature worship with exotic elements borrowed from other
religions. Despite such conversions, tribals have followed their indigenous
festivals, worshipped trees, and believed in totemism. However, the BJP and
sangh parivar’s outlook towards tribals has centred around the belief that
tribes are “backward” Hindus. This derisive outlook encourages them to
homogenise the sui-generis tribal identity under the “Hindu” umbrella.
The tribes of Jharkhand significantly differ from each other yet their
indigenous identity, comprised of a unique cultural value system, is
extolled for its symbiotic connection with nature that is distinct from
other religions. Such an identity has evolved over centuries by selectively
imbibing the beliefs and practices of other religions. For example, many
Oraons of Chota Nagpur who have converted to Christianity still believe in
supernatural powers like darha, gujar, etc. even though witchcraft is not
accepted in Christianity. Similarly, when tribals convert to Hinduism they
incorporate many of its elements, such as worship of Hindu deities. For
Oraons, their revered deities — Devi Mai and Mahadev — are Hindu gods,
whereas Barndo Pachcho, a household deity, has a Munda origin.]

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/jharkhand-freedom-of-religion-bill-religious-conversion-tribals-4859508/

Divisive integration
Jharkhand’s anti-conversion law is part of an ongoing project to politicise
tribal identity along religious lines

Written by Shahana Munazir |

Updated: September 25, 2017 7:57 am

 Jharkhand Freedom of Religion Bill, religious conversion, jharkhand
tribals, jharkhand news, indian express news Through centuries of cultural
contact with both Hinduism and Christianity, tribals in Jharkhand have
dynamically syncretised their traditional belief system of nature worship
with exotic elements borrowed from other religions.

BJP president Amit Shah launches ‘Shaheed Gram Vikas Yojana’ in
JharkhandBJP president Amit Shah launches ‘Shaheed Gram Vikas Yojana’ in
Jharkhand
The recently passed Jharkhand Freedom of Religion Bill, 2017, that is
touted as a check on religious conversion, should steer our focus towards
the broader question of identity politics among the tribals in the state.
Notably, this bill follows from a series of calculated moves by the
government, such as the draconian cow slaughter law and recent amendments
to the Land Act, which deviously dilute the distinctiveness of tribal
identity in Jharkhand.

Tribals constitute around 27 per cent of Jharkhand’s population. Among
them, 4.3 per cent are Christians, about 13 per cent Sarnas (animistic
believers) and the rest are largely Hindu tribals. Thus, a homogeneous
tribal identity is a misnomer. Identity is not a static construction: It
evolves with confronting situations. Tribals are no exception.

Through centuries of cultural contact with both Hinduism and Christianity,
tribals in Jharkhand have dynamically syncretised their traditional belief
system of nature worship with exotic elements borrowed from other
religions. Despite such conversions, tribals have followed their indigenous
festivals, worshipped trees, and believed in totemism. However, the BJP and
sangh parivar’s outlook towards tribals has centred around the belief that
tribes are “backward” Hindus. This derisive outlook encourages them to
homogenise the sui-generis tribal identity under the “Hindu” umbrella.

The tribes of Jharkhand significantly differ from each other yet their
indigenous identity, comprised of a unique cultural value system, is
extolled for its symbiotic connection with nature that is distinct from
other religions. Such an identity has evolved over centuries by selectively
imbibing the beliefs and practices of other religions. For example, many
Oraons of Chota Nagpur who have converted to Christianity still believe in
supernatural powers like darha, gujar, etc. even though witchcraft is not
accepted in Christianity. Similarly, when tribals convert to Hinduism they
incorporate many of its elements, such as worship of Hindu deities. For
Oraons, their revered deities — Devi Mai and Mahadev — are Hindu gods,
whereas Barndo Pachcho, a household deity, has a Munda origin.

Syncretism, therefore, is a fundamental feature of the tribal belief
system. It is this continuous process of construction and re-construction
which imparts distinctiveness to the indigenous tribal identity that has
been jeopardised time and again by its divisive politicisation by
majoritarian forces.

Christian missionaries have been active in Jharkhand for centuries.
Motivated by material considerations, many tribals have converted to
Christianity, although never completely giving up on their original
practices. Census data (2011) indicates a high rate of growth among the
Christians (29.7 per cent). However, the missionaries have allegedly
disapproved of many animist Sarna tribals who have resisted complete
conversion.
The right-wing has carefully escalated its influence in Jharkhand by
tapping into the deep wells of alienation within the tribal community
festered by Christian conversions. The RSS has attempted to make the Sarna
worshippers as their base in the region by striving to assimilate them into
the fold of Hinduism, while simultaneously vilifying anything that remotely
suggests any influence of Christianity. In effect, this has further
engendered communal divisions between the “Christian” and “non-Christian”
tribals. Checking Christian religious conversion has been at the forefront
of the Hindutva political agenda.

In such an atmosphere of disruptive politics of identity, an
anti-conversion bill will only act as another tool that would encourage
divisions within the tribal community. Notably, Jharkhand is the seventh
state after Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Gujarat, Maharashtra and
Himachal Pradesh to enact such a law. Many of these laws, including the one
proposed in Jharkhand, define “conversion” as “renouncing one’s own
religion and adopting another”. The majoritarian view perceives tribal as
Hindus. Hence, tribal conversion to Hinduism or re-conversion of Christian
tribals into Hinduism does not draw the attention of the state. In
principle, then, re-conversion of “Hindu tribals” from Christianity seems
acceptable, even favoured.

Since the 1990s, the RSS has been operating Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams,
Vanbandhu Parishad, etc. in Jharkhand; “re-converting” tribals back to
Hinduism and celebrating it as ghar wapasi. Sangh parivar outfits like the
Bajrang Dal are noted for their aggressive propagation of Hindutva
sentiments, even through the use of violence. This kind of politicisation
and communalisation of social relations has disrupted harmony by pitting
one group against the other. These efforts have not only created a wedge
among the tribals but have also cultivated hatred towards Muslims,
Christians, and Christian tribals.

The present government has successfully capitalised on the rhetoric of a
threatening “other” to foster a Hindu utopia, so to speak. The BJP denies
any difference between the Hindu religion and indigenous tribal religion.
Such a ruthless processes of acculturation denies a syncretic tribal
identity. The recent beef politics in Jharkhand is a case in point. The
draconian cow slaughter law has inadvertently tried to force an unwanted
Hindu custom on the tribals, although beef has been traditionally a part of
their diet. For example, cattle sacrifice is part of the indigenous Doson
festival of the Santhals, who have incorporated Hindu customs without
giving up on their traditions.

Draconian state-laws and the politicisation of socio-religious identity of
the tribals have festered communal and casteist divisions in Jharkhand.
Playing politics with issues of conversion in the garb of protecting
religious freedom harbours an imperfect agenda of tribal integration and
only weakens the collective and individual agency of tribals.

The writer is an independent researcher and has been an Indira Gandhi
Scholar of social anthropology at the Institute of Social and Cultural
Anthropology (ISCA), University of Oxford


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