[<<Whether you see these as blatantly political moves – which both the
Karti Chidambaram arrest and the potentially unconstitutional Fugitive
Economic Offenders Bill may end up being – the government has ensured that
it cannot be accused of dithering on the subject. Where the Congress-led
United Progressive Alliance attempted to sit back and defend itself on much
more serious charges, permitting a national anti-corruption movement to
grow up around it, the BJP has clearly put its cards on the table and will
throw its trump card, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, into the ring during
the Budget Session. The Opposition has managed to build bridges and a
narrative over the last few months. With politicians reconvening in Delhi
on March 5 after the Holi break, those Opposition bonds are likely to face
their sternest test yet.>>

The only snag is that more and still more appear set to keep tumbling out.
(Ref.: <
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/now-congress-picks-winsome-case-to-poke-modi/article22896842.ece>
, <
https://www.thequint.com/news/india/935-crore-bsnl-indian-army-hfcl-cisco-alleged-scam-sensitive-nfs-project
>.)
And, in the Rafale deal, in which the Defence Minister herself went back on
her explicit commitment, only in last November, to share "all the figures",
the "Chowkidar" himself is directly involved, allegedly bypassing all the
related procedural norms.]

https://scroll.in/article/870493/from-karti-chidambaram-to-economic-offenders-bill-can-bjp-change-the-nirav-modi-scam-narrative

>From Karti Chidambaram to Economic Offenders Bill: Can BJP change the Nirav
Modi scam narrative?
The BJP is making sure that it cannot be accused of complacency. Will its
gambit work?

>From Karti Chidambaram to Economic Offenders Bill: Can BJP change the Nirav
Modi scam narrative?

3 hours ago

Rohan Venkataramakrishnan

Ever since the results in Gujarat, the Bharatiya Janata Party has seemed
somewhat on the backfoot. They are still at the crease – the saffron party
did after all win those elections – but the Opposition’s attacks had
managed to get under the skin, to force them into playing defence. The
emergence of the Punjab National Bank-Nirav Modi scam made conditions even
worse, taking away the government’s boast that no corruption scandals had
broken during their tenure. Nirav Modi’s flight from India, before details
of his alleged fraud were even made public, also furthered the impression
that the government has not been able to act against crony capitalists.
This week, with the second half of the Budget Session of Parliament about
to begin, the BJP is fighting back.

First, the Central Bureau of Investigation moved to arrest Karti
Chidambaram, son of senior Congress leader P Chidambaram, in a decade-old
corruption case. Then, on Thursday, the Cabinet cleared two changes that
are meant to be signal the government will take a tougher line against
business owners and companies who break the law.

The Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill: This legislation, first announced by
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley in his 2017 Budget speech, is aimed at
finding a way to punish economic offenders who have left the country,
before they have been convicted. If the law passes, it will allow a court
to declare certain people ‘fugitive economic offenders’ for not turning up
within a stipulated time period to face trial, permitting authorities to
then seize their assets even before they have been declared guilty.
Controversially, it also allows the disentitlement of any civil claim
connected to this property – meaning before they are even declared guilty,
the law might take away their rights to any claim over the property
altogether.

The National Financial Reporting Authority: This new body is meant to
oversee accounting and auditing standards in the country, and ensure that
Chartered Accountants and auditors actually enforce those norms. Until now
auditing and accounting in India worked through the Institute of Chartered
Accountants in India, a self-regulatory body, which has had a monopoly over
training and licensing CAs in the country. It has often been seen as
relatively helpless when it comes to improving auditing standards or
cracking down on those organisations that failed to enforce extant rules.
The new body will now be tasked with regulating the accounting and auditing
of all listed companies as well as large unlisted ones, while leaving the
smaller companies to ICAI.
These three measures – the arrest of Karti Chidambaram and the two Cabinet
proposals – may only be a start, but they are the clearest responses from
the government so far in an attempt to combat the criticism over the last
few months. Will it work?

Political moves
The Karti Chidambaram arrest is the most obviously political move here.
Thought the Central Bureau of Investigation is meant to be independent, it
seems likely that it was prodded into taking this move, considering it not
only reminds the public of the alleged corruption of the Congress – which
helped the BJP come to power in 2014 – but also could endanger Opposition
unity going into the second half of the Budget Session. And though one
might argue that this is a big move to take at the moment when it might
have been more effective closer to an election, the government has yet to
act against the bigger fish, in the form of Congress President Rahul
Gandhi’s brother-in-law Robert Vadra.

The NFRA might end up being a useful utilisation of a crisis. In some ways,
a reform like this has been pending for some time now because of the
opposition from within the ICAI, which was concerned that it would be
rendered toothless by such a move. The government has tried to assuage
those concerns by saying the new body will only look at listed firms and
unlisted companies above a certain threshold. But it remains to be seen how
the CAs, a fairly important community, responds to the move.

The Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill had been bumping around New Delhi
since the middle of 2017, with the government not sure what to do with,
especially after concerns were raised on a number of its provisions.
Significantly, some commentators who looked at the draft said that there
were entire sections that might not stand up to judicial review.

Budget Session
Making that point in Parliament might be hard for the Opposition, though
they will try to prevent the government from scoring a legislative victory,
since any criticism of the Bill will be spun as self-serving protection of
the corrupt. In some ways this will work like the Triple Talaq Bill, the
government is likely to win narrative points whether the Bill goes through
or not – never mind the fact that if it does pass, it might not be upheld
by a High Court or the Supreme Court later on.

That said, it is yet unclear whether the Bill will apply to crimes that
were allegedly committed before it was passed. The current text of the
draft says, “the Act applies to any individual who is, or becomes, a
fugitive economic offender on or after the date of coming into force of
this Act.” The government points to the “who is” portion of that sentence
to suggest that it will be applicable against Nirav Modi, and possibly even
Vijay Mallya, but this may be another portion that will require judicial
review.

Whether you see these as blatantly political moves – which both the Karti
Chidambaram arrest and the potentially unconstitutional Fugitive Economic
Offenders Bill may end up being – the government has ensured that it cannot
be accused of dithering on the subject. Where the Congress-led United
Progressive Alliance attempted to sit back and defend itself on much more
serious charges, permitting a national anti-corruption movement to grow up
around it, the BJP has clearly put its cards on the table and will throw
its trump card, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, into the ring during the
Budget Session. The Opposition has managed to build bridges and a narrative
over the last few months. With politicians reconvening in Delhi on March 5
after the Holi break, those Opposition bonds are likely to face their
sternest test yet.


-- 
Peace Is Doable

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