[《As for the Left - it never had resources, it just had cadre and energy.
The limits of Left strategy in government - complete takeover or
replacement of the state machinery - are now visible, as they were in the
Trinamool's rise in Bengal. The political middlemen who prop up your regime
are the first to desert you. The Left has a lot of clear thinking to do if
it intends to survive. The Congress may survive another round of defeats,
but it would likely be finished as a national force. As for the BJP - well,
it is certainly now a national party. Yet, if its leadership is not
satisfied, they have good reason not to be. The swift demise of the
Congress as a national force is a reminder of what can happen to those at
the top who depend purely on dominance of state machinery and resources to
win.》]

https://www.ndtv.com/opinion/bjp-proven-as-national-party-but-read-signs-carefully-by-mihir-swarup-sharma-1819082

BJP Victory Should Give Mamata Banerjee Nightmares

Published: March 04, 2018 07:00 IST

Few things about Delhi-based punditry are more stupid than drawing broad
conclusions about politics in the rest of the country from assembly
elections in the North East. In the Seven Sisters, assembly elections are
even more local than they are in the rest of India; indeed, these
relatively small state assemblies can often be dominated by personal, not
party, rivalry. Whoever rules in Delhi starts with a major advantage, given
the degree to which these states are dependent upon the union government.
And whichever side has deeper pockets has an even greater advantage.

So it would be dangerous to draw conclusions about the broader Indian
electorate's view of the Bharatiya Janata Party from its successes in the
three North Eastern states declaring their results on Saturday. What one
can, however, do is examine what it says about the various national-level
groupings that are players in the North East.

modi amit shah afp 650
Prime Minister Narendra Modi with senior BJP leaders after the party's
success in the North East

First, the Left. Remember them? They used to be a power in the land about a
decade ago. Once they were kingmakers in Delhi. Once there were union
governments - such as UPA-I - that would anxiously await what the politburo
in AK Gopalan Bhavan had to say. Those days are gone. Kerala still remains,
but Bengal has slipped beyond the Left's grasp, perhaps forever. And now
its decades-long rule in Tripura, too, has gone. We don't have to go into
the reasons for its defeat there - suffice it to say that the Left has
shown itself particularly resistant to the changes that a newer politics
and a younger electorate's demands of traditional parties. I am not sure
the ideologues of the parliamentary Left in this country are capable of
being worried - too many of them are still true believers in the historical
inevitability of their movement. But some, I am sure, recognise that their
time is almost up. Yet I suspect the person most worried by the Tripura
result is not in Agartala or in Delhi, but in Kolkata. The sight of a
Bengali-speaking population embracing the BJP will give nightmares to
Mamata Banerjee. And well it should: she has played a dangerous game in
West Bengal, allowing the BJP space to decimate the Left and mount a
challenge as the principal opposition in the state. It is unwise to do this
given the ruthless, well-funded approach that the BJP central leadership
takes to its expansion into new areas.

mamata banerjee pti
On BJP targeting West Bengal and Odisha, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee
said "sometimes a cockroach also wants to be a peacock and put on its
feathers"

And that brings us to the ruling party. Once again, its central leadership
has shown that a combination of energy, pragmatism - accepting all
defectors, for example - and a deep war-chest works wonders in state
politics. The BJP's broader attempt to supplant the Congress as the natural
national party in every state's politics continues to proceed apace. It is
nonsensical, however, to imagine this is because of some sort of
ideological or narrative dominance. The BJP has the resources at the
moment, and it is not afraid to spend them. That should not, however, take
away from the efforts that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, in particular,
made in Tripura. Nagpur operates on a different timescale and with
different motives from Ashoka Road (the party headquarters which have
recently relocated to Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Marg). For the RSS, expansion
into the North East has an ideological purpose all its own that is
tangential to the BJP's success in this or any other election.

cpm meeting sitaram yechury pti
In Tripura, the BJP has crushed the Left, which ruled the state
uninterrupted for 25 years (File photo of CPM leaders)

Finally, there's the Congress. It retains a shot at power in Meghalaya,
true - but it is worth remembering that it has in the past managed to lose
elections in small states at the government-forming stage well after it had
in fact won them at the ballot box. Again, it comes down to resources and
energy. The Congress has limited amounts of both; the BJP has ample
amounts. For the Congress' leadership, the question of where to allocate
its scarce resources is vital. Yet even so, the party's collapse in Tripura
- a vast swing away from it, by tens of percentage points, to the BJP -
must surely be seen as startling. It no longer has the resources of a deep
war-chest or the power of the union government; if it is in addition not
seen as being able to deliver even a small core of voters, then any
desirability as a potential coalition partner vanishes.

bjp workers
BJP supporters celebrate as the party wins Tripura and expands its
footprint in the North East

Look at how these three national forces have dealt with the possibilities
and perils in the North East and it becomes clear that in this last stretch
before battle-lines are drawn for the next general election, resources are
the main story. For the BJP's leadership, there may be an abundance at the
moment of possible positions to offer defectors, of personnel for
campaigning, of money for election-fighting and so on, but it has a much
higher bar to clear than its rivals as well. One BJP stalwart told me that
he would not be satisfied unless the party had at least a six to one
advantage in resources going into the next general elections. In order to
wipe the floor with the opposition the way it did in 2014, it will need
that edge - it no longer possesses enough dominance in terms of political
narrative.

Meanwhile, for the Congress, the choices are ever more stark. It has not
been able to build a counter-narrative to take advantage of the BJP's
mis-steps; it also has to play a smart game to make the most of its meagre
resources. It has to balance the attempt to preserve a big state like
Karnataka with the dangers posed to its attractiveness as a partner by
humiliations like it suffered in Tripura. Certainly, it should not let
Meghalaya get away.

rahul gandhi 650
Rahul Gandhi at a gathering of women leaders in Shillong, Meghalaya

As for the Left - it never had resources, it just had cadre and energy. The
limits of Left strategy in government - complete takeover or replacement of
the state machinery - are now visible, as they were in the Trinamool's rise
in Bengal. The political middlemen who prop up your regime are the first to
desert you. The Left has a lot of clear thinking to do if it intends to
survive. The Congress may survive another round of defeats, but it would
likely be finished as a national force. As for the BJP - well, it is
certainly now a national party. Yet, if its leadership is not satisfied,
they have good reason not to be. The swift demise of the Congress as a
national force is a reminder of what can happen to those at the top who
depend purely on dominance of state machinery and resources to win.

(Mihir Swarup Sharma is a fellow at the Observer Research Foundation.)



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