[<<The reasons for disquiet (over the prospect of the BJP rule continuing)
however are several: First, as Keynes had famously remarked, “in the
long-run we are all dead”. We cannot, even in principle, simply put our
trust in the long run.
Second, one cannot underestimate the Hindutva forces’ ability to manipulate
voting behaviour in their own favour, to turn even losing situations into
winning ones, in all kinds of devious ways. These include presiding over
communal riots, spreading false rumours, and manufacturing news about
“surgical strikes” against this or that “enemy of the nation”. In such a
case, the so-called “long run”, when they are supposed to be voted out of
power, will never come.
Third, if they are allowed to go their way, with little resistance from the
forces of parliamentary opposition, which merely keeps waiting for the
arrival of the “long run” when they would have lost their electoral appeal,
then other extra-parliamentary forces which represent rival fascisms
opposed to them will come up. In that case, the country will be torn apart
through vicious conflicts.
The time to intervene, therefore, is now, before it becomes too late. The
Left, which is being pushed into the margins by the offensive of the BJP
has to defend the nation, and through that very process also defend itself,
by mobilising all the secular and democratic elements in society to fight
the Hindutva forces before they tighten their stranglehold over it.>>

In fact, ***the "long run" argument is quite often only a dangerous joke,
used to cover up and rationalise one's dismal failure right at a given
point of time staring into the face and grossly underestimate the looming
danger, with disastrous consequences***.

In the given context, one may find the following only too relevant:
'Tripura BJP workers, supporters bulldoze Lenin statue amid cries of
‘Bharat Mata ki jai’' at <
http://indianexpress.com/article/north-east-india/tripura/tripura-bjp-supporters-bulldoze-lenin-statue-5087372/
>.
Also: <<A CPM party leader in Agartala claims BJP cadres not only brought
down the statue but also “played football with the head of the statue”.>>
at <https://thewire.in/229921/tripura-bjp-lenin-cpm-rajnath-singh/>.
Even before the party formally taking over.]

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/bjp-modi-manik-sarkar-left-in-the-wake-of-tripura-elections-2018-5087281/

In the wake of Tripura
The Left is being pushed to the margins. It must mobilise secular,
democratic elements to fight Hindutva forces

Written by Prabhat Patnaik | Updated: March 6, 2018 7:03 am

If the Left takes a political stance to take the lead in organising an
anti-Hindutva resistance, then some good at least would have come out of
the Tripura reverse. Express photo by Partha Paul.

Two clear conclusions emerge from the Tripura election verdict. First, it
is exceedingly difficult for an Opposition party that has an incumbent
government in any state to withstand the onslaught of the BJP. This party
brings to the electoral arena the might of its Central government to
buttress its own well-financed electoral effort.

True, the Manik Sarkar government had been crippled in its last term in
office by a financial squeeze which had doubtless affected its performance,
but this squeeze itself had been the result as much of the recommendations
of successive Finance Commissions that had been grossly unfair to Tripura,
as of the Centre’s wilful niggardliness.

By-elections where the BJP gets defeated, and even assembly elections in
states where the BJP has been in power, either alone or in alliance, and
where the popular wrath it has earned leads to an opposition party’s
victory, such as in Punjab, cannot negate this fact. An opposition-ruled
state government can scarcely survive the single-minded effort of the BJP
with its immense resources, combined with the machinations of the central
government it controls, to dislodge it from power through electoral means.
Even apparently well-entrenched governments like those of Mamata Banerjee
and Naveen Patnaik are vulnerable on this score notwithstanding their
by-election successes.

Related News
‘Attacked’, CPM appeals BJP for peace

Tripura BJP workers, supporters bulldoze Lenin statue amid cries of ‘Bharat
Mata ki jai’
Tripura election results: Ally IPFT pricks BJP celebrations, raises demand
for tribal CM
Second, in almost every state, the polity is now tending to get polarised
into the BJP on one side and one anti-BJP opposition force on the other.
The fates of the Aam Aadmi Party in Punjab, of the Congress in Odisha and
now in Tripura, are obvious examples of this trend where opposition
parties, other than the one which is perceived to be the main anti-BJP
force, are getting marginalised. This suggests that those opposed to the
BJP are pooling their votes in favour of one anti-BJP party, whose identity
may differ from one state to another, instead of frittering them by backing
candidates belonging to several different parties. The electorate sees the
political choice before it as either supporting or keeping out the BJP.

If these trends continue then the ultimate denouement will be one where the
BJP will be the only overwhelming national party, facing in different
states different political opponents; and since these opponents can be
easily beaten down, there will be BJP governments in almost all the states.
The BJP’s explicitly-stated objective of creating an opposition-free India
will thus get realised; and in such a case of course ushering in a Hindu
Rashtra will pose no great difficulty.

It may well be asked: Are we not exaggerating the dangers of this
denouement? Even if it comes to pass, it would be argued, the so-called
“anti-incumbency factor” will work against the BJP governments in the
different states, if not immediately, then at least after a while; and once
these governments are voted out of power, as the Tripura government has
been, then BJP rule at the Centre, even if not overthrown in the near
future, will become difficult to sustain. Hence there is no need to be
greatly exercised over this trend of extreme centralisation of power in the
hands of the Hindutva party: This situation, no matter how disturbing in
the short run, will get reversed in the long run.

The reasons for disquiet however are several: First, as Keynes had famously
remarked, “in the long-run we are all dead”. We cannot, even in principle,
simply put our trust in the long run.

Second, one cannot underestimate the Hindutva forces’ ability to manipulate
voting behaviour in their own favour, to turn even losing situations into
winning ones, in all kinds of devious ways. These include presiding over
communal riots, spreading false rumours, and manufacturing news about
“surgical strikes” against this or that “enemy of the nation”. In such a
case, the so-called “long run”, when they are supposed to be voted out of
power, will never come.

Third, if they are allowed to go their way, with little resistance from the
forces of parliamentary opposition, which merely keeps waiting for the
arrival of the “long run” when they would have lost their electoral appeal,
then other extra-parliamentary forces which represent rival fascisms
opposed to them will come up. In that case, the country will be torn apart
through vicious conflicts.

The time to intervene, therefore, is now, before it becomes too late. The
Left, which is being pushed into the margins by the offensive of the BJP
has to defend the nation, and through that very process also defend itself,
by mobilising all the secular and democratic elements in society to fight
the Hindutva forces before they tighten their stranglehold over it.

Of course, a mere hotch-potch of parties coming together to fight the BJP
will carry little credibility with the people; and even if it succeeds in
dethroning the BJP, unless it effects some tangible improvement in the
people’s lives, it will soon create sufficient disillusionment among them
to allow the Hindutva party to come back to power at the next round.

The coming together of the secular and democratic parties, therefore, will
have to be around a common minimum programme which is workable and to which
all parties coming together are committed. Such a programme must include
not only overcoming the pervasive fear, the assault on thought, and the
flourishing of communal, patriarchal, and casteist attitudes that has
occurred of late, but also introducing a set of universal welfare state
measures, especially in the spheres of education, employment and health.
Whoever is willing to come on such an agenda should be a part of the broad
alliance, whose constituents therefore should be decided not on a priori
grounds but on this criterion of agreeing to an agenda for change.

For the Left it is a fight for survival. If it recognises the seriousness
of the situation and, in the wake of the reverse in Tripura, changes its
political stance to take the lead in organising an anti-Hindutva
resistance, then some good at least would have come out of the Tripura
reverse.

The writer is former professor of economics at JNU, Delhi


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