[<<The conviction of Trump’s former campaign chairman, guilty plea of his
former personal lawyer and indictment of a leading congressional supporter
raise Trump’s risks.
...
The sheer force of the Manafort and Cohen stories breaking nearly
simultaneously left an unavoidable impression that the walls are closing in
on President Donald Trump.>>

(Excerpted from sl. no. I. below.)]

I/II.
https://www.politico.com/story/2018/08/21/trump-cohen-manafort-impeachment-legal-791009

‘It’s the only excuse they’ll need’: Legal blows fuel impeachment fears
The conviction of Trump’s former campaign chairman, guilty plea of his
former personal lawyer and indictment of a leading congressional supporter
raise Trump’s risks.

By CHRISTOPHER CADELAGO, ANDREW RESTUCCIA, NANCY COOK and DANIEL LIPPMAN

08/21/2018 08:16 PM EDT

 Donald Trump.

The sheer force of the Manafort and Cohen stories breaking nearly
simultaneously left an unavoidable impression that the walls are closing in
on President Donald Trump. | Minh Hoang/AP Photo

President Donald Trump and his allies were armed with a quick response to
former campaign chairman Paul Manafort’s guilty verdict – it had nothing to
do with Russian collusion, and nothing to do with Trump.

But Michael Cohen’s simultaneous bombshell guilty plea on Tuesday, in which
he admitted paying hush money to women just before the 2016 election at
Trump’s direction, poses a greater risk to the president.

“The verdict in the Manafort trial isn’t nearly as worrisome to me as the
Cohen agreement and the Cohen statement,” said former Trump adviser Michael
Caputo. “It’s probably the worst thing so far in this whole investigation
stage of the presidency.”

One Republican lawyer close to the White House worried that Cohen – with
his unique access to Trump’s history of business dealings and scandalous
personal entanglements – could ultimately prove more damaging to Trump, and
give Democrats fodder for impeachment if they take the House in November.
“It’s the only excuse they’ll need,” the lawyer said. “And believe me, they
won’t need much of an excuse.”

The sheer force of the two stories breaking within minutes of each other
left an unavoidable impression that the walls are closing in on a president
facing serious accusations of wrongdoing, leaving some to worry what Trump
will do next.

One former administration official said there’s a “very high” likelihood
that the president – who increasingly feels under attack from all sides –
will do something erratic that could make an already bad situation worse.

The Manafort and Cohen news came after an already difficult week for the
president, who was also grappling with a blockbuster story in The New York
Times revealing that Trump’s White House counsel, Don McGahn, is
cooperating with special counsel Robert Mueller’s Russia investigation,
fearing that he was being set up to take the fall for any acts of
obstruction.

On Tuesday, a grand jury also indicted California Republican Rep. Duncan
Hunter, one of Trump’s first two congressional endorsers, on charges of
improperly using campaign funds to pay for personal expenses, including
vacations and dental work. Earlier this month, Trump’s other earliest
endorser, New York Republican Rep. Chris Collins, was charged with
securities fraud. He’s pleaded not guilty.

Trump sought to minimize the impact of the negative news and cast the
developments as irrelevant to his presidency, while also again questioning
the web of investigations stemming from Mueller’s probe.

“This has nothing to do with Russian collusion,” Trump told reporters
Tuesday on his way to an event in West Virginia. “This is a witch hunt, and
it’s a disgrace.”

But nearly a dozen people close to the president, including current and
former White House aides, acknowledged that Tuesday was one of the darkest
days of Trump’s year and a half in office. And they worried that the
revelations – even if they are unrelated to allegations of collusion with
Russia – could lend new credence to the Mueller probe, even after the
president’s allies spent months undercutting public faith in the
investigation.

“There was political momentum building to wrap up the Mueller probe soon,”
the former administration official said. “At the very least, in the short
term, these two developments will pretty significantly bolster the office
of the special counsel and people’s perceptions of it.”

The prospect of an impeachment attempt by Democrats has increasingly been
on the mind of many in Trump’s inner circle, who have used the threat as a
rallying call to rally Republican voters ahead of the midterms. Some close
to the president have even argued that a partisan impeachment effort could
be a good thing for Trump’s re-election prospects in 2020.

But Tuesday’s blockbuster news made the impeachment threat more real than
ever. “This just underscores the importance of the midterms and keeping the
house,” a Republican close to the White House said. “If Nancy Pelosi is
speaker, Donald Trump will face impeachment.”

Pelosi, the House minority leader, issued a firm statement on Tuesday
criticizing Trump, but she -- like many other top congressional Democrats
-- did not mention impeachment.

“Cohen’s admission of paying hundreds of thousands of dollars in hush money
‘at the direction of the candidate’ to influence the 2016 election shows
the president’s claims of ignorance to be far from accurate, and places him
in even greater legal jeopardy,” Pelosi said in the statement.

Prosecutor: Michael Cohen paid hush money at candidate Trump’s direction
Cohen says he paid hush money at candidate Trump’s direction
By JOSH GERSTEIN, LAURA NAHMIAS and JOSH MEYER
Many of the president’s allies have believed in recent weeks that he was
winning the public relations war against Mueller – even if they anguished
in private about what the special counsel has up his sleeve. Trump’s
supporters regularly point to polling showing that the majority of
Americans view the investigation unfavorably, crediting Trump’s Twitter war
against the probe with turning public sentiment.

“Trump has done a good job of defining and setting the political knife
fight on his terms,” said former Trump campaign aide Sam Nunberg.

Trump, for his part, has long been shaken by Cohen’s decision to turn on
him.

Cohen’s plea deal, the culmination of the slow-motion public split from his
longtime patron that began with an FBI raid on his Manhattan office in
April, has hit close to home for Trump. Cohen admitted on Tuesday to
evading taxes and making false statements – and to making illicit campaign
contributions in the form of hush-money payments to adult film actress
Stormy Daniels and ex-Playboy model Karen McDougal to silence their claims
of affairs with Trump.

Cohen, who initially claimed he paid the money using a line of credit, said
in a statement to prosecutors that he paid the money at Trump’s direction.
“I participated in the conduct for the purposes of influencing the
election,” Cohen said in court.

For months, Trump’s allies have worried about what Cohen might fork over to
Mueller. Those fears were only compounded when Cohen’s lawyer earlier this
month released a tape of Trump during the campaign discussing the logistics
of making payments aimed at keeping quiet allegations by McDougal that she
had an affair with Trump.

“It certainly gives the Democrats, should they win the House of
Representatives, a serious piece of evidence to enter into articles of
impeachment,” said Mark Corallo, a former Bush administration Justice
Department spokesman who served as the spokesman for the president’s
personal legal team before resigning over disputes on strategy. “When you
can say that the president directed someone to break the law that’s a
problem. That’s a big problem.”

Manafort 'disappointed' at verdict
MANAFORT TRIAL

Manafort found guilty on eight counts
By JOSH GERSTEIN, DARREN SAMUELSOHN and BEN SCHRECKINGER
Cohen’s plea agreement didn’t explicitly include cooperation with
authorities, but didn’t preclude eventually doing so either. Cohen and his
team have repeatedly signaled publicly that he is willing to cooperate in a
bid to avoid a lengthy prison sentence.

In the immediate aftermath of the Cohen and Manafort news, Trump’s White
House aides largely remained silent, letting the president speak for
himself. As Trump headed out for a rally in West Virginia, his top
surrogates had yet to receive talking points on the Manafort verdict in
Virginia or Cohen’s plea agreement in New York.

White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders declined to answer
questions, directing reporters to the president’s own comments and to
Trump’s personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani.

Trump, during his brief remarks to reporters, ignored the Cohen news,
focusing on Manafort. While jurors convicted Manafort on tax charges, they
deadlocked on ten other counts of bank fraud.

Giuliani, who has called Cohen a liar, said in a statement: “There is no
allegation of any wrongdoing against the president in the government’s
charges against Mr. Cohen. It is clear that, as the prosecutor noted, Mr.
Cohen’s actions reflect a pattern of lies and dishonesty over a significant
period of time.”

Trump has repeatedly raged in public that the charges against Manafort were
unfair, arguing the federal government treated his former campaign chairman
worse than the infamous Chicago gangster Al “Scarface” Capone. Aides had
planned for the president to use an exoneration to discredit the Mueller
investigation.

Russia investigation
All the people connected to the Russia probes
By DARREN SAMUELSOHN, SARAH FROSTENSON and JEREMY C.F. LIN
White House staffers were quick to point out that the charges against the
former campaign manager weren’t directly related to the president and the
broader question of colluding with Russia. “It has nothing to do with us,”
said one White House aide.

One former Trump campaign official said senior level people close to Trump
weren’t worried about larger ramifications from Cohen’s plea deal, which
expose him to as much as five years of jail time. “When you talk to the JV
team, the young kids are more susceptible to the media narrative about it,
but senior people tend to think that if Cohen made that statement in court,
why wasn’t he able to get a deal?” this person said. “You have Cohen’s word
against Trump’s word, but it looks like Cohen’s word does not have enough
credibility to get a deal, let alone to impeach.”

Other officials described aides nudging the president’s attention toward
his jam-packed midterm schedule that calls for 40 days of campaign travel,
including the Tuesday night rally. A person familiar with the president’s
thinking said the first round of travel will take him to Nevada, Kentucky,
Missouri, North Dakota, South Dakota and Tennessee.

“The main strategy is making sure to minimize the amount of self-harm the
president is doing to himself just because it seems like right now his
tweets and his actions aren’t exactly things that would help him in a court
case or investigations into his behavior,” said one former White House
official.

Approaches they’ve used to persuade Trump to ignore Russia-related news
stories include “getting him out to play golf or holding events that put
him in a better headspace,” said the former official – including at
campaign rallies.

“He’s almost like a volcano, which sometimes blows off steam without taking
out the village below,” this person added. “The busier he is, the less
likely he’s going to get in these moods and watch TV and get more and more
angry.”

Eliana Johnson and Darren Samuelsohn contributed to this report.

II.
https://www.lawfareblog.com/michael-cohen-plea-agreement-possible-meanings-campaign-finance-counts

Michael Cohen Plea Agreement: Possible Meanings of the Campaign Finance
Counts

By Bob Bauer

Tuesday, August 21, 2018, 8:28 PM

Wikimedia Commons/IowaPolitics.com

The government has now answered the question of whether it will convert the
controversies over Michael Cohen’s payments to Stormy Daniels and Karen
McDougal into a criminal case. Along with charges of tax and  bank fraud,
the president’s former personal lawyer pleaded guilty in federal court
Tuesday to two counts of violating federal campaign finance law in
coordinating those payments. Previous reporting had indicated that Cohen
arranged for payments to Daniels (the adult-film actress whose real name is
Stephanie Clifford) and McDougal to prevent news of their past
relationships with Donald Trump from breaking during the 2016 campaign—and
that he may or may not have been reimbursed for those payments by Trump or
organizations affiliated with him. Now Cohen has admitted that his actions
resulted in illegal campaign financing—individual contributions exceeding
the lawful limits and illegal corporate funding.

Support Lawfare

It was not certain that prosecutors would bring charges against Cohen for
these payments. Except for the most clear-cut violations, like those
involving “straw donations” that contributors channel to campaigns in the
name of others, prosecutors tend to shy away from criminal campaign finance
enforcement. The sort of payments at issue in the Daniels and McDougal
matters can present tricky issues of motive: How much was Trump moved to
silence these women to spare himself personal as well as political pain?
Only a motivation materially if not wholly shaped by political objectives
would implicate federal campaign finance law in a situation like this.

A different but similar case against vice presidential candidate John
Edwards failed to win over a jury. Edwards sought to conceal an affair and
the child that it produced, and in making covert arrangements for their
support, he accepted substantial financial assistance from two staunch
political allies. The government sought to prosecute him for receiving
excessive and unreported contributions but could not procure a conviction.

With the Cohen testimony, prosecutors would have good reason to believe
that this case is far stronger than the one brought against Edwards. The
Edwards trial was notable for the absence of two key witnesses: the Edwards
political supporters who financed the scheme of concealment and support for
his lover and their child. One witness was dead and the other, at age 101,
was unable to testify at trial. In this case, the key witness is talking:
His statement to the court Tuesday included the admission that in arranging
these payments, he had acted “in coordination with” and “at the direction
of … a candidate for federal office.” Cohen’s lawyer Lanny Davis then
confirmed on Twitter that his client had “testified under oath that Donald
Trump directed him to commit a crime.” Together with other evidence, such
as the timing of the payments, Cohen’s plea transforms a potentially
difficult case about motive into a solid bet for the prosecution.

Of course, in a case involving massive alleged financial and tax fraud,
there is still the question of why prosecutors troubled themselves with
campaign finance violations. The amounts spent represent a sliver of the
total spent on the campaign. According to court documents, Trump or those
close to him eventually reimbursed Cohen for the payments; the candidate
did not call on donors to put up the money. Prosecutors by and large would
not consider violations of this nature—involving hush money to hide
affairs—to be “heartland” offenses of a law designed to redress the evils
of big money in politics.

What distinguishes this case and the decision to pursue the plea is that
the candidate behind the subterfuge is the sitting president of the United
States. Michael Cohen pleaded Tuesday to a charge that is compelling only
because of the story he has to tell, along with other evidence, about the
way that Donald Trump operates. And this is not so much about Trump’s
clumsy steps, in violation of campaign finance law, to prevent exposure of
philandering. This episode, assuming in the instance the form of campaign
finance law violations, is about the most powerful man in the country—whom
prosecutors have observed displaying contempt for legal considerations and
constraints, and consistently lying about his actions.

While the Daniels matter is fairly straightforward—hush money to conceal an
affair—the McDougal case is a still-more-elaborate subterfuge entailing a
“catch and kill” arrangement by a friendly media company to buy McDougal’s
public silence with cash and a disingenuous promise of space for her own
writing. As the plea agreement makes clear, this is a count involving
third-party corporate contributions, not just the candidate’s personal
resources. Cohen may have much to say about how this scheme was hatched,
but he stated that it took place at the president’s direction. The criminal
information filed Tuesday in the Cohen matters lays out the steps the Trump
Organization and Cohen took to falsify documentation to cover the
reimbursements he received for his hush-money expenses. The degree to which
Donald Trump also directed these activities, or took other actions behind
the scenes to encourage Cohen and other witnesses in a course of dishonesty
and fraudulent conduct, remains to be seen.

How the case develops from here is not possible to judge at this time, but
the Cohen campaign-finance plea resonates unmistakably with the special
counsel investigation, which also concerns what a candidate is prepared to
do to win an election and then cover his tracks. The criminal information
cites the involvement of unnamed members of the Trump campaign; the
campaign, like the candidate, is now clearly in separate legal jeopardy.
The similarities between Trump’s problems and those of Richard Nixon
continue to grow. In the short term, should there be any doubt about
Trump's unwillingness to sit for an interview with prosecutors, this seems
yet another reason why he had no intention to do so. His lawyers will
busily attack Cohen, as they have already begun to do, but they do not know
what he has told prosecutors or what evidence he has supplied to back up
his claims. Any interview with the president would touch on these issues,
among others—and the president whose lawyer has proclaimed that "truth is
not truth" and who repeatedly rails about “perjury traps” is surely not
able to take his chances with his own version of the Daniels and McDougal
tales.

This is another possibility raised by the Cohen plea. It may not matter
whether the president agrees to testify. Others seem prepared to bear that
burden. As Nixon found when one of his lawyers also became a witness for
the government, this can be the beginning of very hard times.
-- 
Peace Is Doable

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