Crony capitalism in its most extreme form.

A model illustration of how state power can cherry-pick and, thereafter,
make a business house just grow and grow and grow.

https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=10159297295335489&id=675680488

Remember this famous picture from 2014 showing Modi using Gautam Adani’s
private jet as he campaigns in the Lok Sabha election?  And remember all
the tall promises that followed about bringing black money back to India?
Overblown rhetoric has always been a central part of Modi’s style of
leadership, but nowhere has the gap between rhetoric and reality been
starker or more stupendously laid out than with the deliberate blind eye he
has turned to the iceberg of corporate malfeasance his friend Adani has
piled up over the past 3 decades. If there’s one enterprise in contemporary
India that embodies ‘monopoly capitalism’ in its purest form, it is Gautam
Adani’s drive to dominate the infrastructure sector by monopolizing large
parts of it (coal, ports, airports, even energy). But Adani’s aggressive
expansion over the last ten years has been built not just on the leverage
afforded by his proximity to Modi but on massive borrowings, extensive use
of related party transactions, a network of shell companies basking in
far-away and not so far away islands, and Gautambhai’s unbelievable
chutzpah.

As M.Rajshekhar pointed out in a series of articles two years back, unlike
the Ambanis and Tatas, the Adani Group singularly lacks a cash cow, that
is, a company that is both profitable and a major contributor to the
group’s revenues. (The pre-tax profits of the most successful Adani firm,
Adani Ports, is a mere fraction of the profits of Reliance Industries and
TCS.) Instead, the Adanis are ‘one of the most indebted business
conglomerates in India’. On one calculation, the borrowings of the six
listed companies total just short of 100,000 crores, yielding a debt
service burden of at least 8,000 crores (just over $1 billion) every year.
And as one banker told Rajshekhar, ‘When even the equity is money borrowed
from banks, the promoters have no skin in the game’.

So we have a rapidly expanding conglomerate with weak cash flows that funds
its growth not through internal accruals but through debt and more recently
through recourse to the global bond markets. The most interesting part of
its financing pattern, however, is the presence of shadowy offshore
entities such as the three Mauritius funds whose demat accounts were very
recently frozen by the National Stock Exchange (NSE).  When that happened
in the middle of June over 100,000 crores of Adani market cap evaporated in
just three trading sessions, showing how jittery investors are about the
involvement of entities which they have no means of tracking. As it turns
out, at least 2 of the three Mauritius funds which are said to hold over
90% of their assets in Adani group companies had already been shown in one
article from July 2018 to be sub-accounts of a Swiss account held by bank
scamster/economic fugitive Nitin Sandesara. As Mohan Guruswamy  has pointed
out elsewhere on fb, ‘Sandesara, like Adani, rose in Gujarat during the
Modi period’.

Fathom this: In the half year that saw India’s most devastating health
crisis ever, with over one million dying through lack of preparation and
countless numbers of families pushed into absolute poverty, a sudden surge
in three Adani stocks saw a whopping $43 billion added to Gautam Adani’s
wealth!  If you want to know how, you have to ask the regulators to find
out what’s going on between him and those Sandesara funds.

Mauritius is not alone, of course. An investigation by the Australian
Broadcasting Corporation revealed Adani’s Australian operations (the
Carmichael coal mine project) to have ‘previously unknown tax haven ties in
the British Virgin Islands’. Here the crucial figure is Gautam’s older
brother Vinod Adani. When his name cropped up in the Panama Papers and this
caused a splash in the Indian financial press, Adani top management took
the almost comic position of saying , ‘Why drag me in brother’s business?
says Gautam Adani’. ‘The reported account holder Mr Vinod Adani…has his own
established business interests outside India’. What, with *no* connections
with the Adani Group?  Vinod, for example, was listed as sole director of a
Singapore company Global Renewable Energy Holding incorporated as recently
as January 2017. In a piece on Gautam Adani’s Australian solar projects,
Joshua Robertson told readers: ‘Singapore company filings show Global
Renewable Energy Holding Pte Ltd is owned by Atulya Resources Ltd in the
Cayman Islands. Atulya Resources is in turn owned by ARFT Holding Ltd in
the British Virgin Islands. Documents held by the Singapore corporate
regulator disclose that “the Adani Family” is an ultimate shareholder of
ARFT Holding Ltd.’.  That certainly doesn’t suggest that the older brother
is irrelevant to Gautam’s recent business operations. Again, when India’s
Directorate of Revenue Intelligence was able to show back in 2014 that the
Adanis were using a shell company in Dubai to siphon hundreds of millions
of dollars from the company’s books into Adani family tax havens overseas
by over-invoicing purchases of power equipment for their Maharashtra
electricity project from Chinese and South Korean vendors and routing the
extra money to the Mauritius account of one Electrogen Infra Holding
Private Ltd. (EIF), it cited a letter from EIF to its bankers dated
26/04/12 proving that ‘Shri Vinod Shantilal Adani had a direct control over
the activities of EIF through Asankhya Resources Family Trust (ARFT)’.

As the Guardian’s South Asia correspondent Michael Safi noted at the time,
the equipment bought from Hyundai Heavy Industries involved an average
mark-up (invoice inflation) of 400% and that bought from three Chinese
companies 860%!  There is a Gujarati saying, ‘Empty vessels make the
loudest noise’. That would be an apt description of all the bluster about
black money that has come from Modi over the years.

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