Good, (only) as far as it goes.

While Marxist analysis of social forces and ongoing processes can truly be
of great help, beyond a point it may also erect a formidable roadblock.
The notion of, for example, "false consciousness" is truly, and at times
may turn out to be hugely, problematic.
All "consciousness" is, by definition, perception of "reality". There are
times, when the so-called instances of "false consciousness" - for the
masses, turn out to be far more real - intensely felt, than that of the
"real issues" - issues of food, shelter, health, education etc.
Under such circumstances, it becomes a stupendous task to confront, tackle
and overpower the "false consciousness". Precisely thus, the slogan of
"80:20" - in the last UP poll, pretty much trumped the grim reality of dead
bodies floating in the rivers (holy Ganga and Yamuna) - something unique in
the whole world. The ruling BJP did not only notch up a handsome victory
but also manage to improve upon its performance in terms of percentage of
votes polled as compared to the preceding assembly poll.

Any serious and honest attempt to confront this reality must start with the
recognition of the enormity of the task on hand.
Of course, that's far from sufficient in ensuring a success. No doubt about
that.

Very much in recognition of the spectacular - rather magical, success that
the "80:20" line could bring forth, the ruling brigade is, now, right in
the middle of unfolding this strategy on the national scale - just not in
UP. Without any scruple or whatever.

The visibly ongoing and accelerating process of dismantling "India" and
stripping it of any vestige of substantive democracy and pluralism, has got
to be pushed back in any and every available space and on multiple planes
by a multitude of players/forces - not limited to political parties alone.
Evidently, there cannot be any single coordinating, let alone guiding,
centre.
But, all these forces must, in their own diverse ways, work towards
dislodging the evil forces from the vantage position of command over the
state apparatus - its various arms, primarily by weakening its grip over
popular imagination.

<<Enlightenment has finally come to the Communist Party of India (Marxist).
Reality has sunk in that its ultra conservative, ancient formula of
historical forces and economic determinism is ineffective against the
hyper-nationalist, majoritarian, communally divisive narrative of Hindutva
crafted by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and by Narendra Modi.

Dumping its classic canon that liberating the economic sphere and releasing
the work force from the captivity of capital will magically establish a new
order, the visibly emaciated and mentally exhausted CPI(M) is on its way to
a fresh start.

Two things are striking in a recent low-key interview by Sitaram Yechury
after his confirmation, once again, as the general secretary of the CPI(M)
by the 23rd party congress in Kannur. Broadcast on Facebook and with the
transcript published in Bengali in the party’s newspaper Ganashakti,
Yechury delivers two unequivocal messages.

First, that the CPI(M) identifies the Bharatiya Janata Party and the
Sangh’s Hindutva fascism as the principal enemy.

The Communist party, Yechury says, is set to take on the challenge of
putting together a “counter offensive” to counter the ambitions of
establishing a “hegemony” of Hindutva that is “destroying the very
inclusive concept of nationhood.” The identification of the BJP as the
single, principal enemy is very different from the CPI(M)’s past, when it
equated the BJP and the Congress, quite mistakenly, as political foes, even
while it conceded that the Hindutva politics of the Sangh was more
dangerous to the unity and diversity of India.

Second, orthodox Marxist theology is invalid in today’s reality.

A movement or struggle based on popular discontent against growing economic
misery is not strong enough to defeat the BJP. As Yechury puts it, “the BJP
won” by mobilising emotions and passions and by running an aggressive
campaigning focused on Hindutva in Uttar Pradesh’s recent state assembly
elections.
...
The role of the CPI(M) will be that of a catalyst, Yechury says in the
interview. The challenge, as he sees it, is to initiate and lead a counter
consolidation by mobilising social, “cultural, political and economic
forces” rather than forging a political front of secular, democratic
parties or an economic movement of organised and unorganised labour,
farmers, farm workers and white collar workers. On Yechury’s list now are
people from the Dalit movement, minority organisations, indigenous and
tribal organisations and those groups that are battling the Sangh’s
Hindutva homogenisation agenda.

By prioritising mobilisation over forging a political front of like-minded
secular, democratic parties to challenge the BJP electorally, Yechury is
defining the party’s role and responsibility as the ideological and
therefore political antidote to the ideology and politics of the BJP and
Sangh. He is inviting political, social, cultural, political and economic
organisations and groups to join up to create a mass movement against the
ideological-religious Right.
...
The route that Yechury has traced seems to navigate a safe passage between
the orthodox and the heterodox. How long it will remain safe is impossible
to guess. The decline of the CPI(M) is keeping the factions in check,
because as of now, there is no one who is actually willing to challenge
Yechury by putting a spanner in the works. The buck stops with him. If he
succeeds even partially in reviving the party as the political conscience
keeper of the nation – as the party in the middle – he will have achieved a
great deal. If he fails, the party will collapse, though it may not be
extinguished.>>

(Excerpted from: <
https://m.thewire.in/article/politics/a-reality-check-has-inspired-sitaram-yechury-to-steer-cpim-towards-a-different-holistic-agenda
>.)

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