[Once the democratic election is held and a popular government comes to power, things will most likely turn considerably, if not drastically, worse.
In fact the July Revolution in Bangladesh overthrowing the oppressive Hasina government was broadly -- though only broadly -- similar to the Khomeini Revolution in Iran eventually ousting the even more oppressive Shah regime back in early 1979. However, the potpourri Yunus government assembled and installed by the Army stalled the march of events just for a while. The interim government was making desperate attempts to prolong its own life and stall the inevitable for as long as possible. But, it appears to be no longer the darling of the Army. Hence, despite itself, had to announce the poll to be held in February. It's now virtually a lame-duck government. The radical Islamists are slated to emerge much stronger than ever before. While the centrist Awami Leage has been banned and is debarred from contesting the coming poll, even the hard right BNP -- its traditional main rival -- stands significantly diminished. Bangladesh, it's strongly apprehended, is going to descend into a chaos of a much higher order. In such an event, on this side of the border, the RSS/BJP would further intensify its relentless drive to divide and polarise by fully leveraging such unfortunate/tragic developments. More so in the context of the coming assembly poll in West Bengal. Reproduced below is a statement on the latest phase of the ongoing long drawn out turmoil in Bangladesh which is self-explanatotry.] *Joint Political Statement* *Solidarity Against Communal Violence, Fundamentalism, and State Complicity* *Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist–Leninist) and Radical Socialist (India)* We, the Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist–Leninist) and Radical Socialist (India), condemn in the strongest terms the current wave of communal violence, religious fundamentalism, and attacks on democratic and secular spaces in South Asia, particularly in Bangladesh, and the dangerous political repercussions these developments are producing in India. The overthrow of Sheikh Hasina’s government emerged from the quota reform movement, which itself reflected deeper structural crises in Bangladesh’s education system, labour market, and governance. Years of economic stagnation, massive youth unemployment, informalisation of labour, and the failure of the state to provide dignified livelihoods created widespread popular anger. While this anger was genuine and justified, the movement did not develop into a coherent progressive or left-led political force capable of offering a class-based alternative to the existing political order. The interim “non-party” government headed by Mohammed Yunus was initially welcomed and granted credibility. However, despite its central mandate to restore democratic governance, it delayed elections for over a year, finally announcing polls for February 2026—nearly a year and a half after the fall of the Hasina government. This prolonged suspension of democratic accountability has enabled reactionary and communal forces to consolidate their positions. The Yunus administration has not altered the fundamental class character of the state. Behind a technocratic and “respectable” façade, the coercive apparatuses of the old order*–*police, army, judiciary*–*remain intact. At the same time, banned or marginalised Islamist forces such as Jamaat-e-Islami have been rehabilitated and emboldened. These forces seek to impose a reactionary social order and are attempting to present their fundamentalism as nationalism, a process facilitated by Indian regional hegemonism and the consolidation of Hindutva authoritarianism in New Delhi. The recent lynching of Dipu Chandra Das, attacks on Hindu homes, and violent assaults on independent newspapers such as *The Daily Star* and *Prothom Alo*, as well as on cultural organisations like Chhayanaut and Udichi, mark a dangerous escalation. These acts are not only crimes against individuals and communities; they are attacks on democracy, secularism, free expression, and progressive culture. They aim to silence dissent, intimidate society, and normalise politics of fear and hatred. We unequivocally condemn all such acts of communal violence and intimidation. Violence in the name of religion*–*whether Islam or any other *–*must be opposed without qualification. At the same time, we reject the opportunistic exploitation of these tragedies by right-wing Hindutva forces in India, who seek to instrumentalise minority suffering in Bangladesh to advance their own communal and electoral agendas. The selective outrage of the BJP and the Sangh Parivar, including their recent mobilisation in West Bengal, has little to do with genuine concern for communal harmony. It is part of a broader project of polarisation ahead of elections. Bengali-speaking working people, migrants, and the poor are increasingly targeted, harassed, and dehumanised as “infiltrators.” This communal and xenophobic campaign reflects how deeply Hindutva ideology has penetrated public discourse in India. The murder of Osman Hadi in Bangladesh further exposes the true character of the fundamentalist offensive: it is not merely an attack on minorities, but a broader assault on secular, democratic, and progressive politics. The silence of Hindutva forces on such killings reveals their own communal and authoritarian agenda. We affirm our unwavering solidarity with all communities targeted by communal violence and repression. As revolutionary Marxists and internationalists, we insist that the struggle against communalism and fundamentalism must be grounded in cross-border working-class solidarity and a clear understanding of regional power inequalities. India, as the dominant power in South Asia, bears particular responsibility, and the Indian Left must refuse *all forms of class collaboration* including accommodation with bourgeois parties succumbing to “soft” Hindutva. At the same time the Bangladesh left must distinguish itself programmatically and organisationally from all bourgeois forces. *We therefore call for:* 1. Transparent, impartial, and public trials of all perpetrators of communal violence and mob lynchings, with independent oversight, to ensure accountability 2. Immediate legal and security protection for religious minorities, journalists, civil society activists, and secular cultural organisations in Bangladesh and across the region 3. An uncompromising struggle against all forms of religious fundamentalism and majoritarian politics that undermine secular democratic rights and human dignity. 4. Democratic rights for media and cultural organisations, and an end to intimidation, censorship, and political violence 5. Solidarity of working people across South Asia, and constructive cooperation between the peoples of Bangladesh and India to defend pluralism, equality, and secular democracy*–*not narrow nationalism or exclusionary politics We urge governments, democratic forces, trade unions, student movements, and civil society on both sides of the border to unite against communalism, authoritarianism, and state complicity, and to build societies grounded in justice, equality, and peace. *Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist–Leninist)* *Radical Socialist (India)* *25/12/2025* Peace Is Doable -- You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Green Youth Movement" group. To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to [email protected]. To view this discussion, visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/greenyouth/CACEsOZjsAnS_LnG%2BSF%3DKZgYptqDti8%3D-gq0AXctYg%2BT8JJYwOA%40mail.gmail.com.
