[EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Siapa kata dia tak buat apa-apa. Sistem pendidikan di Malaysia melalui turning point beliau memperkenalkan KBSR dan KBSM. Walaupun tak 100% berjaya tapi agak mantap. Silibus sekarang entah apa-apa. Masa beliau jadi Menteri Pelajaran bahasa Melayu beliau cuba dipuncakkan Bahasa Melayu. Sekarang apa nasib Bahasa Melayu? Siapa perkenalkan penerapan nilai-nilai Islam dan nilai murni? Orang kata bos dia yang buat. Betul ke? Jangan putarkan fakta. Penubuhan UIAM idea siapa? Idea beliau semenjak dalam ABIM dan menjadi kenyataan bila beliau berada dalam kerajaan. Masa beliau dikurung UIAM dirasmikan bagi menonjolkan supaya semua orang tengok UIAM ditubuhkan oleh bekas bosnya. Semasa bekas bosnya cuti dan beliau memangku jawatan PM beliau cuba bentangkan akta rasuah di parlimen. Tapi bosnya telepon kata jangan, alasan "ramai orang tak suka". Kerana usaha beliau cuba bongkar bermacam-macam penyelewenganlah maka beliau sengaja dicampak masuk ISA. Nak bercakap tu bacalah sejarah sikit oii!
[EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:Dulu dia ada kuasa - tapi tak dapat buat apa apa dan sekarang
dah tak ada kuasa , macam macam nak buat .
Ni politik yang paling saya tak suka .//
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KUALA LUMPUR, Jun 6 (IPS) - Gone are the neck brace, the walking
stick, the wheelchair and the tired, exhausted look that was Anwar
Ibrahim after 1998, when he was sacked from the government and jailed
for corruption and sodomy after trials universally condemned as unfair.
The Anwar Ibrahim, 57, who walked onto the stage of a posh hotel here
last week to speak before a packed audience of supporters and foreign
diplomats was a picture of health. He was suave, confident, articulate
-- and attacking.
At the receiving end was retired prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, his
former mentor turned nemesis, who was accused of owning larges stakes
in media companies, of allowing rampant official corruption and of
responsibility for blatant human rights abuses.
Former speaker of the Indonesian parliament Amien Rais and Thai
senator Kraisak Chunhavan also spoke at the function, a forum on
Political Reform in South-east Asia, giving Anwar's political comeback
plan added weight.
In Malaysia, corruption is endemic, unemployment on the rise, police
abuses go unchecked, and democratic institutions have been weakened,
insisted Anwar.
After several weeks of recuperating upon his release -- after the
country's highest court acquitted him of sodomy charges -- and then
several months in Europe, the Middle East and America on the lecture
circuit and as an honorary academic at Oxford and Johns Hopkins
universities, Anwar had returned to re-launch his political career.
The charismatic former deputy prime minister vowed to press ahead with
'reformasi' (reform) and unite and strengthen the disparate opposition
to face the government of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi in general
elections due in 2008.
Anwar also toured the country, speaking at political rallies to demand
an independent investigation into the corruption of past and present
leaders.
He promised to bridge differences and exploit common ground to unite
the fundamentalist minded Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) that wants
to set up an Islamic theocracy in multi-ethnic Malaysia with the
Chinese-based opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP), a secular
group defending middle class values.
All well and good, and while several thousand people attended the
forum and the rallies, Anwar's message did not go beyond that select
group of people who are already converted to his cause and firm
believers in reform.
For the general public, Anwar has simply disappeared from the
political scene. The reason is that the government-controlled media,
the only media allowed free rein in the country, has completely
blacked out the challenger.
"Has Anwar sneaked back into the country?" was how a doctor reacted
when this reporter told him Anwar spoke at a forum on political reform.
"I did not read it in 'The Star'," he said, referring to the mass
circulation English tabloid that because of strict controls and
censorship can truly boast that, "If we did not report it, it did not
happen."
Anwar has been transformed from an establishment figure whose every
word was dutifully reported into an opposition icon whose every move
must be assiduously ignored.
No editor dares violate the government order to black him out and with
it in place, Anwar faces an uphill task in making his plans known and
his presence felt. While the alternative media and Internet based news
websites like Malaysiakini.com give prominence to his campaign, their
reach is short.
Privately editors have been told that Anwar is a security threat
because he would split the majority Malay community, whose unity and
well-being is the bedrock of stability in this multi-ethnic society.
"The instruction is preferably not to report and otherwise report the
inconsequential aspects in the inside pages," a veteran journalists
told IPS, requesting anonymity.
In the vernacular newspapers read by the Malay voters Anwar needs to
win over, he is portrayed as a traitor to the race.
"He is a traitor, he ruined the economy and shamed the Malay race," is
a common and often repeated refrain.
It is not difficult to block news about Anwar or -- the other side of
the coin -- to unfairly attack him, because the country's newspapers
and television stations are directly or indirectly owned by political
parties in the ruling 14-party National Front coalition.
"We are like government servants -- there is no room to disobey in the
first place," said the journalist.
Malaysian universities and Malaysian students abroad are also warned
against attending lectures given by Anwar on pain of losing their
scholarships.
In addition, election laws also work against the politician. Because
of the corruption conviction he is barred from holding office or
contesting in elections until 2008.
This law can only be circumvented if the king grants a pardon. But
Anwar has refused to ask for one, arguing it would be an admission of
guilt.
"I am the victim and totally innocent," he has repeatedly said. But
his supporters, some of them very senior retired civil servants,
submitted a petition to the king in May to grant the pardon.
Political analysts say there is little chance of that happening
because even if the monarch is amenable, the constitution says he must
act on the advice of the government. Many veteran government
ministers, many of whom remain loyal to Mahathir, are implacably
against a pardon for Anwar.
(Mahathir had groomed Anwar as his successor but turned on him after
1998 when Anwar questioned his policies and spoke out against official
corruption).
To Anwar's inner circle the real obstacle to his comeback is public
perception of the challenger after seven years of relentless
government propaganda, first under Mahathir and now under Abdullah,
portraying Anwar as the very incarnation of Satan, indecent, guilty of
many crimes, corrupt, a sexual deviant and an Islamic fanatic.
Weighed down by such a negative general perception and facing official
harassment, unfavourable election laws and a thorough media blackout,
Anwar has a mountain stacked against his comeback plans.
Even an open invitation last week from PAS inviting him to join the
party and lead the opposition is a doubled-edged sword.
"Fundamentalist minded Muslims are overjoyed but moderates are unhappy
with the invitation. Non-Muslims must be terrified," an academic
analyst told IPS.
More than 40 percent of Malaysians are non-Muslims and previously
voted against any political party allied with PAS.
Despite the formidable obstacles, Anwar vows to return. "I am a
Malaysian, this is my home," he said recently. "I have returned, don't
count me out."
Despite that enthusiasm, it remains an open question whether Anwar can
regain his former pole position in Malaysian politics.
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