On the note of number of votes being coincidental, nothing is actually left to chance with UMNO and their BN allies. They work hard to achieve their victories with the help of the Election Commission and variuos government agencies. Most importantly, they are further assisted by several departments of the Police Force. Impossible?
Note that when the top ranks retire, they normally are given high positions at government agencies as well as croney establishments. Note that a former IGP now holds a very high position in Genting. The very same who mentioned in DSAI's trial that he (the former IGP) could not find anything in the Quran which prohibits gambling.
From: Raja Petra Kamarudin <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: The Pengkalan Pasir by-election is faulty because of Malay Dominance
M.G.G. Pillai
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
WHEN DATO' SERI ABDULLAH Ahmad Badawi, or Pak Lah, was on his way to the airport on the morning of 6th December 2005, when the voters trooped in Pengkalan Pasir in Kelantan to cast their votes, his aides told him that PAS would win that seat. But intelligence sources had decided the day before that UMNO would get the seat by 130 votes. That prediction was like a chief minister of Sabah told he was returned in his constituency by nearly 10,000 votes - two days before the election. PAS, on the other hand, knew it had lost the seat if more than 80 per cent voted, with the UMNO majority rising as more than 80 per cent voted. As it is, 82 per cent did.
An UMNO leader active in the campaigning sent out SMS congratulating his men for making the victory possible, adding that the 134 votes majority was coincidental to the 134 vote majority he had predicted! But, as the votes were being counted, officials, not knowing the shenanigans taking place, thought that PAS had won by 70 votes. In the end, UMNO had won by a majority of 134 votes. There was a recount, of course, for the majority was only two per cent of the votes cast. UMNO tried too hard, and the Election Commission worked harder for UMNO to win, that no one in UMNO or the Election Commission noticed that more votes were cast in the postal votes than allowed: 212 cast when only 195 votes were allowed. When this was pointed out to the head of the Election Commission, Tan Sri Abdul Rashid Abdul Rahman, he did not admit his mistake but threatened he was ready for a bruising fight in court!
Given the mood, and the revelations, UMNO cannot afford another election in that constituency. It would lose it. The days are gone when the Election Commission and UMNO could decide what the election result would be. This by-election was important for the hidden money spent - about RM100,000 per vote, but Malaysian electoral laws that is allowed so long as it is unofficial, which it is - and the promise to give the state a university if it won. This is like the election in Sabah in 1994 when among the promises made was 394 kilometres of railway. It won that election, but not one kilometre of railway has been laid in the past 11 years, nor will it ever.
But would a university be built in Kelantan, as it promised in Pengkalan Pasir? It would have to set aside money for the university. Gone are the days when National Front promises are made in elections and by-elections, with no intention of honouring it. The hidden Malay Dominance policy in force since early 1970, and which has governed elections since, only meant that the National Front, particularly UMNO, must win at any cost, especially if the candidate was an important UMNO leader. It does not work as the National Front thought it would any more.
The Pengkalan Pasir by-election put paid to all that. About 15 per cent in any constituency do not note in any election. They do not vote for various reasons, including being elsewhere at the time of voting. The National Front can find out, with help from the Election Commission, who they are, and make arrangements to vote in their place. This is a bonus, and will never be discovered. The odd person whose identity is hijacked decides to vote and finds he cannot. Often he decides not to make any noise because the press often initiates a campaign against him, and he becomes the wrongdoer for deciding to vote, for whatever reason, at the last minute. As often happens, the episode is forgotten, and no one believes him when he tells it to his neighbours. Now, with more avenues open, this is less likely to happen. The wrongdoing in Pengkalan Pasir, not necessarily by the National Front, is made available to others in the constituency before and after the election. The component parties in the National Front may think UMNO is always right. Once, the Malay on the street thought so too, but not now.
The National Front, which has ruled Malay and Malaysia since 1955, cannot continue ruling as it had in the past unless it modifies its policies, not just the electoral laws. It has to fight hard for the Malay vote, especially if it has PAS as an opponent. The National Front, especially UMNO, cannot be successful if the Chinese and Indian do not vote for its candidate to prove it is a Malay or Islamic party. The National Front, and UMNO, insists it is for the Malays and for Islam, but, when it meets PAS, it would not bring its Islamic credentials to justify its existence. In Pengkalan Pasir, it could have brought out its trump card, Pak Lah's Islam Hadhari, but it did not. It wants its controversial policies accepted without debate or discussion. In a state ruled by PAS, which has not shied away from Islam or from discussing it, UMNO decided not to confront PAS with its version of Islam. So it does not bring Islam Hadhari to Pengkalan Pasir.
More important, the average non-Malay can be persuaded, even if that is now more difficult - a Chinese voter, a former MCA executive in Pengkalan Pasir, who had moved to Kuala Lumpur in the last six months to take over his father's business, agreed to go back to vote only if he was given $1,000, air fare, and hotel and living expenses for three days in Pengkalan Pasir - but a Malay does not automatically vote for the National Front if he is brought to vote. And he is likely to complain if someone votes on his behalf.
The National Front in the constituency is angry that he is superseded by the organisation in the centre, and is likely to join in the chorus of nay-sayers. The National Front in the centre organises a campaign that often results in more people than there are voters into the constituency, and what it says and does is often not useful in the campaign, but the voter in Johore Bahru or Kedah is told of the National Front's supposed efficiency in Kelantan, but is ignored by voters in the Kelantan constituency.
The National Front has made promises, and carried out work in Pengkalan Pasir that it promised, but would not do in the Kelantan constituencies it had been elected only last year in the general election. It had used a formula successful after the 1969 riots, and did not change it to suit the circumstances, although those born in 1970, on the same day as the New Economic Policy was initiated, and got special treatment as Malays, is now 35 and has different hopes and aspirations than the National Front's tired policies. The mistake National Front and UMNO made was to expect them to be grateful and for life. Those who were not were treated badly by the National Front. It expected a life-time support for doing what in government it did. It is a tall order. Those Malays in the opposition were beneficiaries of the National Front government's policy. If it had insisted that its policies in government meant lifetime support for it as a political parties, many would have opted out of it at the beginning. But those new leaders in the National Front and UMNO cannot understand why this should not be so.
All Malays in the National Front, PAS and other opposition parties got National Front benefits and were told to be grateful to the party for it. It is not human nature to be grateful to someone for having helped him, and reminded of it ever after. The chances are that he would go the other way. If the National Front insists, as it has in the past 30 years, on expecting life-long gratefulness, the Malay would rebel, as now. Even those Malays in the opposition are grateful for the New Economic Policy giving them a leg-up in life, but resent from being told of it at every opportunity.
But they are not the only one. Many people not in politics think so too. And they are in every constituency in Malaysia, including Pengkalan Pasir. The National Front can only win with Chinese and Indian votes, even in Malay constituencies. And even that is becoming difficult, and dangerous. The Malay Dominance policy is hidden, but even that is now questioned. The man who follows breaks the law, as Tan Sri Abdul Rashid should know by now. The beauty of the National Dominance policy practiced by the National Front is that the person guilty is the man who is legally at fault. It does not matter who told him to break the law.
--
Posted by Raja Petra Kamarudin to MGG Pillai at 12/14/2005 11:26:22 AM
Subject: The Pengkalan Pasir by-election is faulty because of Malay Dominance
M.G.G. Pillai
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
WHEN DATO' SERI ABDULLAH Ahmad Badawi, or Pak Lah, was on his way to the airport on the morning of 6th December 2005, when the voters trooped in Pengkalan Pasir in Kelantan to cast their votes, his aides told him that PAS would win that seat. But intelligence sources had decided the day before that UMNO would get the seat by 130 votes. That prediction was like a chief minister of Sabah told he was returned in his constituency by nearly 10,000 votes - two days before the election. PAS, on the other hand, knew it had lost the seat if more than 80 per cent voted, with the UMNO majority rising as more than 80 per cent voted. As it is, 82 per cent did.
An UMNO leader active in the campaigning sent out SMS congratulating his men for making the victory possible, adding that the 134 votes majority was coincidental to the 134 vote majority he had predicted! But, as the votes were being counted, officials, not knowing the shenanigans taking place, thought that PAS had won by 70 votes. In the end, UMNO had won by a majority of 134 votes. There was a recount, of course, for the majority was only two per cent of the votes cast. UMNO tried too hard, and the Election Commission worked harder for UMNO to win, that no one in UMNO or the Election Commission noticed that more votes were cast in the postal votes than allowed: 212 cast when only 195 votes were allowed. When this was pointed out to the head of the Election Commission, Tan Sri Abdul Rashid Abdul Rahman, he did not admit his mistake but threatened he was ready for a bruising fight in court!
Given the mood, and the revelations, UMNO cannot afford another election in that constituency. It would lose it. The days are gone when the Election Commission and UMNO could decide what the election result would be. This by-election was important for the hidden money spent - about RM100,000 per vote, but Malaysian electoral laws that is allowed so long as it is unofficial, which it is - and the promise to give the state a university if it won. This is like the election in Sabah in 1994 when among the promises made was 394 kilometres of railway. It won that election, but not one kilometre of railway has been laid in the past 11 years, nor will it ever.
But would a university be built in Kelantan, as it promised in Pengkalan Pasir? It would have to set aside money for the university. Gone are the days when National Front promises are made in elections and by-elections, with no intention of honouring it. The hidden Malay Dominance policy in force since early 1970, and which has governed elections since, only meant that the National Front, particularly UMNO, must win at any cost, especially if the candidate was an important UMNO leader. It does not work as the National Front thought it would any more.
The Pengkalan Pasir by-election put paid to all that. About 15 per cent in any constituency do not note in any election. They do not vote for various reasons, including being elsewhere at the time of voting. The National Front can find out, with help from the Election Commission, who they are, and make arrangements to vote in their place. This is a bonus, and will never be discovered. The odd person whose identity is hijacked decides to vote and finds he cannot. Often he decides not to make any noise because the press often initiates a campaign against him, and he becomes the wrongdoer for deciding to vote, for whatever reason, at the last minute. As often happens, the episode is forgotten, and no one believes him when he tells it to his neighbours. Now, with more avenues open, this is less likely to happen. The wrongdoing in Pengkalan Pasir, not necessarily by the National Front, is made available to others in the constituency before and after the election. The component parties in the National Front may think UMNO is always right. Once, the Malay on the street thought so too, but not now.
The National Front, which has ruled Malay and Malaysia since 1955, cannot continue ruling as it had in the past unless it modifies its policies, not just the electoral laws. It has to fight hard for the Malay vote, especially if it has PAS as an opponent. The National Front, especially UMNO, cannot be successful if the Chinese and Indian do not vote for its candidate to prove it is a Malay or Islamic party. The National Front, and UMNO, insists it is for the Malays and for Islam, but, when it meets PAS, it would not bring its Islamic credentials to justify its existence. In Pengkalan Pasir, it could have brought out its trump card, Pak Lah's Islam Hadhari, but it did not. It wants its controversial policies accepted without debate or discussion. In a state ruled by PAS, which has not shied away from Islam or from discussing it, UMNO decided not to confront PAS with its version of Islam. So it does not bring Islam Hadhari to Pengkalan Pasir.
More important, the average non-Malay can be persuaded, even if that is now more difficult - a Chinese voter, a former MCA executive in Pengkalan Pasir, who had moved to Kuala Lumpur in the last six months to take over his father's business, agreed to go back to vote only if he was given $1,000, air fare, and hotel and living expenses for three days in Pengkalan Pasir - but a Malay does not automatically vote for the National Front if he is brought to vote. And he is likely to complain if someone votes on his behalf.
The National Front in the constituency is angry that he is superseded by the organisation in the centre, and is likely to join in the chorus of nay-sayers. The National Front in the centre organises a campaign that often results in more people than there are voters into the constituency, and what it says and does is often not useful in the campaign, but the voter in Johore Bahru or Kedah is told of the National Front's supposed efficiency in Kelantan, but is ignored by voters in the Kelantan constituency.
The National Front has made promises, and carried out work in Pengkalan Pasir that it promised, but would not do in the Kelantan constituencies it had been elected only last year in the general election. It had used a formula successful after the 1969 riots, and did not change it to suit the circumstances, although those born in 1970, on the same day as the New Economic Policy was initiated, and got special treatment as Malays, is now 35 and has different hopes and aspirations than the National Front's tired policies. The mistake National Front and UMNO made was to expect them to be grateful and for life. Those who were not were treated badly by the National Front. It expected a life-time support for doing what in government it did. It is a tall order. Those Malays in the opposition were beneficiaries of the National Front government's policy. If it had insisted that its policies in government meant lifetime support for it as a political parties, many would have opted out of it at the beginning. But those new leaders in the National Front and UMNO cannot understand why this should not be so.
All Malays in the National Front, PAS and other opposition parties got National Front benefits and were told to be grateful to the party for it. It is not human nature to be grateful to someone for having helped him, and reminded of it ever after. The chances are that he would go the other way. If the National Front insists, as it has in the past 30 years, on expecting life-long gratefulness, the Malay would rebel, as now. Even those Malays in the opposition are grateful for the New Economic Policy giving them a leg-up in life, but resent from being told of it at every opportunity.
But they are not the only one. Many people not in politics think so too. And they are in every constituency in Malaysia, including Pengkalan Pasir. The National Front can only win with Chinese and Indian votes, even in Malay constituencies. And even that is becoming difficult, and dangerous. The Malay Dominance policy is hidden, but even that is now questioned. The man who follows breaks the law, as Tan Sri Abdul Rashid should know by now. The beauty of the National Dominance policy practiced by the National Front is that the person guilty is the man who is legally at fault. It does not matter who told him to break the law.
--
Posted by Raja Petra Kamarudin to MGG Pillai at 12/14/2005 11:26:22 AM
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