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          PAS : KE ARAH PEMERINTAHAN ISLAM YANG ADIL
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From:
        "M.G.G. Pillai" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
     To:
        Sang Kancil <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, SK
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,
        SK-MGG <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>




The UMNO youth and wanita assemblies yesterday (10 May 00) affirmed the
growing influence of Islam and a return to cultural basics.  Youth
speakers, dressed as successful businessmen than politicians, invoked
Islam to emphasis the cultural worldview of the Malay, which they would
not have dared just last year.  The wanita women preferred, by and
large, the "telekung" headdress than the traditional "selandar" (the
scarf worn over the head to cover it) Malay women prefer.  The telekung
represents a cultural shift, the preferred women's headdress of the
Islamic "dakhwah" (proselytization) movement.  The telekung represents a

shift in Malay women's thinking, a cultural baggage of a more religious
Islamic code of conduct that UMNO would accept.  The Prime Minister
ordered a return to Islamic basics, in an attempt to outwit Parti
Sa-Islam Malaysia (PAS)'s Islamic policies.  He looks at this
politically, the ground religiously, to force the latter into a
decidedly Islamic mould, one which could lose UMNO support if badly
handled.  The two assemblies today set the tone for the UMNO general
assembly which begins today (11 May 00).  Suddenly, party elections are
not important, the Islamic, more than the Malay, agenda dominates the
conference worldview. Few talked about it, but words were irrelevant to
highlight the trend that would drive UMNO into a confrontation with PAS
not on the political, but the religious, battlefield.  But UMNO stumbled

unconsciously.  It had to hold its convention a day earlier so that
Sunday, when UMNO ended all previous conventions, had to be surrendered
for that advertising gimmick called "Mother's Day".

     UMNO returns to the traditional ideology of Islam in an attempt to
outsmart PAS electorally, but, as the Shah found in Iran in the 1960s
and 1970s, it only strengthened the Islamic forces.  Both preferred an
ill-thought secular Islamic worldview, without realising or
understanding the ideological strength of the Islamic opposition.  If
the telekung imperative has a motivational strengthening of Islam to to
challenge PAS's fundamentalist brand, these outward signs are hopeful.
But UMNO chief ulamak, Dato' Abdul Hamid Othman, who prefers expensive
Italian business suits and designer ties with matching tiepins, cannot
match PAS's Tok Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat and Tok Guru Haji Hadi Awang.
During the November elections, the recently retired iman of the National

Mosque and the government's motivational head stood as PAS candidates
for parliament.  UMNO's Islam is propogated by such institutions as
Pusat Islam (Islamic Centre) and IKIM, the Malaysian Institute of
Islamic Understanding, run by retired civil servants on a sinecure.
Both insist the only Islam acceptable is the UMNO version, taking steps
to denigrate Islam in the PAS worldview.

     If this continues, the battle is lost even before it begins.
First, the UMNO-PAS confrontation forces the middle ground to wither,
just as in Iran in the 1970s.  UMNO's harshness towards Parti Keadilan
Negara (keADILan), by threatening its support base of funds and business

men, threatens its survival as a third force to balance the extrems of
UMNO and PAS.  With it would disappear the intellectual unaligned to
either side.  The Party Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) and the Democratic Action
Party (DAP), on the fringes, would have aligned themselves with keADILan

if official pressures and internal fissures had not weakened its
organisation.  But UMNO's Islamic agenda cannot move ahead without a
leader who could ride the Islamic tiger and lead it to a different
direction.  The only man outside PAS who could do that UMNO wants
destroyed.  But He Who Must Be Destroyed At All Cost can.  His Islamic
credentials unquestioned, while in UMNO, he built bridges to Islamic
groups and PAS, affirming his Islamic credentials.  The Prime Minister,
who is also UMNO president, humiliate him with public allegations of
sodomy and adultery to destroy his Islamic credentials.  This failed;
instead, UMNO and its president struggles to survive in its aftermath.
The telekung, symbolic as it is, pressures the Prime Minister ever more
strongly.  Without a suitable Islamic leader -- Dato' Seri Abdullah
Ahmad Badawi is acceptable, but he burned his bridges in his active role

to destroy Dato' Seri Anwar's political credibility -- UMNO would lose
this by default.

     The telekung therefore symbolises not the UMNO president's Islamic
agenda, but the Malay cultural hurt that Islam is used contentiously to
destroy an Islamic leader.  It had made its appearance in UMNO
gatherings in a big way last year;  this year, it was the preferred
headgear of about half the wanita delegates.  Once Islam is viewed as
contentiously as UMNO wants, the Malay hesitates not to desert UMNO if
its Islam is viewed unIslamic.  The Malay community would accept UMNO's
Islamic worldview only if it presumes a fairer deal for Dato' Seri Anwar

Ibrahim.  That is not on the cards so long as the Prime Minister
continues as UMNO president.  The youth assembly, meanwhile, affirmed
its religious fears by harping upon Islam where possible.  Curiously,
few even wanted to talk about the economy.  But this assembly is the
first in three decades in which commerce and business does not dominate.

UMNO's major policy shift to an Islamic worldview is constrained by the
continued incarceration of the Islamic leader it destroyed but could not

kill. The Telekung imperative warns the government that, like the
Ayatollah Khomeini, Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim dictates, by default,
UMNO's Islamic stance.  In this, who gets elected to which post is
irrelevant.

M.G.G. Pillai
[EMAIL PROTECTED]






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