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PAS : KE ARAH PEMERINTAHAN ISLAM YANG ADIL
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Subject:
[sangkancil] [MGG] How Serious Is The Mahathir-Daim Rift?
Date:
Thu, 29 Jun 2000 08:49:22 +0800 (MYT)
From:
"M.G.G. Pillai" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To:
Sang Kancil <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
CC:
SK <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, SK-MGG <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
The is my column for the second issue in June of Harakah, published on
Thursday, 29 June 00.
----------------------------
HOW SERIOUS IS THE MAHATHIR-DAIM RIFT?
M.G.G. Pillai
The rift between the Prime Minister and the finance minister is
undbouted. Each avoid the other, rarely meet in tete-a-tetes that once
marked their ties. Dato' Seri Mahathir Mohamed accuses Tun Daim
Zainuddin of bad faith, though over and about what is is not clear.
Rumours of the rift were so rampant during the June UMNO convention that
many thought Tun Daim would not be re-appointed UMNO treasurer. He was.
He had to be. Tun Daim is known to want to retire from the cabinet. He
might get his wish when Dr Mahathir reshuffles his cabinet. Would he
continue as finance minister? If he is not, would he remain in the
cabinet as a minister without portfolio in the Prime Minister's
department overseeing the Economic Planning Unit? Can the Prime
Minister drop him from the cabinet? Or afford to?
This rift is officially denied. Not many believe that. Dr
Mahathir lied about his relationship with his deputy prime minister,
Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim, three days before he was dismissed from the
cabinet in September 1998. Corporate and political equanimity is shaken
by it. The Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange composite index steadily
declines, is now around 800, which we were told it would be in the 1100s
by now. Some analysts privately say the rift, with heavy selling by
government funds and those linked to the finance minister accelerates
the downfall.
Tun Daim embarks upon a (final?) frenzy of privatisation, without
rhyme or reason, which lands on the laps of those closest to him,
raising corporate and political eyebrows but little else. Companies
linked to his wives and others close to him landed some of these. The
Prime Minister incensed with the privatisation of the corporatised
engineering and architectural unit of the works ministry, IKRAM, to the
brother of an aide. This privatised company would handle all government
construction and works, making it a powerful company indeed. (Its
managing director's first important act was to sack the canteen operator
and appoint his father-in-law to run it!)
UMNO rank-and-file want an accounting of which party asset is
UMNO's and which Tun Daim's and others'. The juggling of assets, after
the High Court declared illegal in 1988, caused the successor UMNO,
which it is, to lose formal control of the billion ringgit and more of
corporate assets it acquired, especially large chunks of the North-South
Highway. Much of that is, was, shrouded in mystery. But as questions
and pressure swirls over whose it is, Tun Daim insists only Dr Mahathir
and he understand the UMNO accounts, and holds the key to the shifting
of corporate assets. But the Daim business empire, built through
proxies and cronies, stem from this.
Dr Mahathir allowed this, as his cronies, proxies and children
built another, with corportate manouevres of the last decade in the
shadow of the rise of the two empires. The cataclysmic shock to the
body politic by the travails of He Who Must Be Destroyed At All Cost,
initially ignored, now looms large in the softening of the Malaysian
state. The unanswered questions and rationalisations now come to the
surface, with a demand for accounting.
Rumours that the market would be pushed down another 100 points is
so widespread that it did not need the forthcoming release of CLOB
shares on the market to provide the damper. The Prime Minister could
not persuade Japanese bankers, during his recent visit to Tokyo, to
provide the loans he desperately needs. The government, despite the
optimistic statements of how well it and the economy does, is strapped
for cash, the official statements to the contrary meant to pour wool
over Malaysian eyes.
Into this equation comes Dr Mahathir's anger at Tun Daim's
perceived bad faith. The corridors of power redound with the latest on
this epochal conflict which threatens the government apart. The two men,
throughout all of Dr Mahathir's 19 years as prime minister, behaved,
moved and plotted like Siamese twins, with one mind and purpose which
befuddled analysts and diplomats alike. The destruction of He Who Must
Be Destroyed At All Cost was orchestrated not by the Prime Minister but
by Tun Daim Zainuddin, horrified at the prospect of a prime minister who
would not dance to his tune.
But could Dr Mahathir survive long without Tun Daim at his side?
Could Tun Daim survive long under a hostile administration? Would
Malaysians look upon either kindly, after the billions of ringgit
squandered in mega projects and in rescuing the cronies and proxies of
the two men? Would Dr Mahathir be comfortable with a conspirator
raising the banner of revolt? As the questions swirl, and remain
unanswered, the edifice He Who Thinks He is Lord Of All He Surveys built
is found to have weak foundations.
M.G.G. Pillai
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
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