*Kashmir's most knowledgeable journalist, Muzamil Jamil catches India bull
by the horns*

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/no-more-denials-please/645165/index.html


No more denials, please

*Muzamil Jaleel <http://www.indianexpress.com/columnist/muzamiljaleel/>**Tags
: 
muzamiljaleel<http://www.indianexpress.com/news/no-more-denials-please/645165/0>
, column <http://www.indianexpress.com/news/no-more-denials-please/645165/0>
**Posted: Mon Jul 12 2010, 03:30 hrs***
reated by separatists and the opposition PDP, or an outcome of systemic
failure? Has the Centre rushed to a conclusion about the trigger behind the
current phase of the crisis here? Is the Jammu and Kashmir government hiding
its own failures on the ground behind unconditional support from the Centre?

A look at how the events leading to the current strife unfolded provides a
logical explanation. The strife began when the Machil fake encounter was
exposed on May 30. Then, on the evening of June 11, 17-year-old student
Tufail Ahmad Mattoo was returning home from tuition. It was Friday, and
police were chasing a dozen stone throwers, when they found Mattoo alone
inside a football stadium. A policeman fired at him from such close range
that the plastic pellet made a half-inch hole in his skull, killing him
instantaneously. And as shock overwhelmed the city, the police began a
familiar cover-up. First, they claimed that a sharp stone had hit Mattoo’s
head and killed him. A few hours later, they termed it “deliberate murder”
and sought public help to identify two men who had driven Mattoo body to
hospital. But once eyewitnesses came forward and public pressure mounted,
the police admitted responsibility. The separatist leaders joined the
bandwagon, hoping to take over the streets swelling with anger. The
mourners, however, resisted; and three senior separatist leaders had to
leave Mattoo’s funeral to escape their ire.
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On June 12, even as Chief Minister Omar Abdullah ordered an enquiry and
promised action, CRPF men caught hold of another young man Rafiq Ahmad
Bangroo (25) and thrashed him. He was in intensive care for eight days,
where he finally died. Over those eight days, life had returned to normal.
On June 20, tempers were high among mourners returning after burying him; a
group threw stones towards the CRPF bunker where Bangroo had been thrashed.
The CRPF men opened fire, killing Bangroo’s 20-year-old cousin Javaid Ahmad
Malla. Abdullah, in Gulmarg on vacation, rushed back to Srinagar, held an
emergency meeting, replaced the SSP of Srinagar and returned to join his
family in the picturesque resort. What infuriated people was that there was
no official regret over the killings.

On June 25, calm was setting in again when CRPF men opened fire at a protest
in Sopore in which people were seeking the bodies of two local militants
killed in an encounter, alleging that one of them was a civilian. The
protests grew louder but instead of intervening sensibly, the government
used force. The separatists moved; the Mirwaiz called for a Sopore march on
June 29. The CRPF men opened fire at a procession in the outskirts of that
town, killing a 17-year-old student Tajamul Bashir. Within a few hours, they
again opened fire; a nine-year old school boy Asif Hassan at Delina in
Baramulla, when he stepped out of his home to look for his mentally
challenged older brother, was killed. The following day when Abdullah
finally decided to appear before the media, three teenage boys were killed
in the most gruesome manner by the J&K police. While chasing a group of
protestors, a police party barged into two houses and shot dead these three
teenagers — all hit in the head and chest.

With unconditional support from the Centre, the state government started
pushing the theory that “anti-national elements” were responsible for the
crisis, and that the protestors were rented. Abdullah’s assertion that the
protestors are themselves responsible if they die defying curfew sent out a
dangerous message to his own police. On July, 6, police chased a half a
dozen stone throwing children at Tengpora in the city outskirts and caught
hold of 17-year-old student Muzaffar Ahmad Bhat, hitting him in the head
with rifle butts. The police denied his arrest, which led to massive
protests. In the morning, his body was found in a nearby stream; the autopsy
determined he died of “blunt trauma on head”. The CRPF opened fire at his
funeral procession too, killing another man, 35-year old Fayaz Ahmad.
Survived by two little daughters and a wife, Ahmad’s tragic death provoked
massive protests across Kashmir. A few hours later, a 25-year-old woman who
had dared to open the window of her house during curfew was shot and
killed.

 The civilian death toll had reached 15 and Srinagar was in absolute turmoil
with everyone out on the streets and Azadi songs being played over mosque
loudspeakers. Abdullah panicked and hurriedly decided to hand over the city
to the army. The move was unprecedented, because the army was not asked to
take over the city even during the peak of militancy. Abdullah swamped
Srinagar with more than 40,000 men of the police and central forces, to
strictly confine its 13 lakh residents to their homes, closing down
hospitals and newspapers.

 It is a fact that the separatists as well as the opposition PDP are taking
political advantage of the situation. But blaming them for manufacturing the
crisis is factually inaccurate, and an attempt to cover up the government’s
own blunders — in not first preventing these avoidable deaths, and then the
delay in containing their fallout. If separatists were so keen to organise a
crisis, why didn’t the protests against the army’s fake encounter put the
whole valley on a boil? The opposition may fuel the fire but the spark that
lit it was the government’s own folly.

Omar Abdullah is an elected CM, and has said that the current issue is “not
a simple law and order problem but a battle of wits, ideas and ideologies.”
Why does is his government failing to communicate directly with his people?
Why is there no political response? Where are the elected legislators?
Srinagar city has eight and all of them belong to his National Conference.
After all, as elected representatives they claim a greater connect to the
people than the separatists — this was the moment for them to affirm that
connect. Abdullah’s plan to convene a meet of all the mainstream parties is
too little too late.

The current protests, however, have exposed the collective amnesia of the
ruling elite and have once again brought into focus the importance of a
responsive political initiative to address the larger Kashmir issue. The
crisis has also reaffirmed how essential is a process for a political
solution, typically put in cold storage as soon as calm descends over the
valley. A strategy of denial will only complicate matters, because every
folly of the government provokes a public reaction that soon turns into an
“Azadi” groundswell.

*[email protected]*

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