---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Ghulam Muhammed <[email protected]>
Date: Aug 7, 2010 9:12 AM
Subject: What ails Aakar Patel?
To: [email protected]

*To: Editor, Livemint*
**
*What ails Aakar Patel?*



Aakar Patel suffers from a blind spot towards Indian government’s historical
as well as continued communal role that at people’s level is an everyday
presence in Kashmir. Aakar answers his own Q&A by giving less than the full
picture. To the question: *Hurriyat Conference wants: azadi, freedom. But
freedom from what? Freedom from Indian rule. Doesn't an elected Kashmiri,
Omar Abdullah, rule from Srinagar? *– his answer does not disclose that
there is a Hindu Governor at the head of the state; why not a Kashmiri
Muslim? The police chief that carried out the shoot at sight operations
against the stone-throwers is another Hindu. Why State is not free to
appoint a Muslim on both these and other sensitive post? Because it is not
Azad, it is not free. Its internal self rule is a sham. Even the British
self-rule was more free than that offered by India to Kashmiris. No British
army had unleashed the kind of atrocities and rape of Kashmiri women as
Indian Army and other security forces have in Kashmir. Aakar Patel does not
see any acts of commission and/or omission on the part of Indian government
that is the main cause of an ongoing deprivation of freedom to the Kashmiri
people. Indian government may boast of a fine constitution, but the way it
is being applied or has not being applied, is another matter. India has
failed to provide a truly secular governance to its Muslim citizens. In
Kashmir that failure has been compounded hundred times. How can Aakar Patel
be blind to the role of Indian government. Not a single word in his article
on this 800 pound gorilla!



Aakar Patel has concentrated his analysis on ‘divide and rule’ principle.
Since his audience is the western reader, already tuned to the bogey of
sharia and Islamic rule, he chooses to implant that scenario on Kashmir. In
fact, Kashmir historically has been the most tolerant Muslim society and
even Aakar Patel will agree to that historical fact. The recent upsurge in
symbolic Friday holiday or other extremist measures have not universal
majority sanctions and Aakar Patel should not take up those symbolic issues
to justify his thesis that Kashmir has a Sunni idea of Azadi (Freedom).
Besides, that is a lame excuse for any Indian government to hang on to
Kashmir as justification.







*Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai*

*[email protected]*
*<http://www.ghulammuhammed.blogspot.com>*
**
*------------------------------------------------*
*

Saturday, August 07, 2010



What ails Kashmir -  By Aakar Patel - Livemint



Hurriyat Conference wants: azadi, freedom. But freedom from what? Freedom
from Indian rule. Doesn't an elected Kashmiri, Omar Abdullah, rule from
Srinagar? Yes, but Hurriyat rejects elections. Why?
Because ballots have no azadi option.
But why can't the azadi demand be made by democratically elected leaders?
Because elections are rigged through the Indian Army. Why is the Indian Army
out in Srinagar and not in Surat?
Because Kashmiris want azadi.

Let's try that again.

What do Kashmiris want freedom from? India's Constitution.

What is offensive about India's Constitution? It is not Islamic. This is the
issue, let us be clear.

The violence in Srinagar isn't for democratic self-rule because Kashmiris
have that. The discomfort Kashmiris feel is about which laws self-rule must
be under, and Hurriyat rejects a secular constitution.

Hurriyat deceives the world by using a universal word, azadi, to push a
narrow, religious demand. Kashmiris have no confusion about what azadi
means: It means Shariah. Friday holidays, amputating thieves' hands,
abolishing interest, prohibiting alcohol (and kite-flying), stoning
adulterers, lynching apostates and all the rest of it that comprises the
ideal Sunni state.

Not one Shia gang terrorizes India; terrorism on the subcontinent is a Sunni
monopoly.

There is a token Shia among the Hurriyat's bearded warriors, but it is
essentially a Sunni group pursuing Sunni Shariah. Its most important figure
is Umar Farooq. He's called mirwaiz, meaning head of preachers (waiz), but
he inherited his title at 17 and actually is no Islamic scholar. He is
English-educated, but his base is Srinagar's sullen neighbourhood of
Maisuma, at the front of the stone-pelting. His following is conservative
and, since he has little scholarship, he is unable to bend his constituents
to his view.

Hurriyat's modernists are led by Sopore's 80-year-old Ali Geelani of
Jamaat-e-Islami. Jamaat was founded in 1941 by a brilliant man from
Maharashtra called Maududi, who invented the structure of the modern Islamic
state along the lines of a Communist one. Maududi opposed Jinnah's tribal
raid in Kashmir, which led to the Line of Control, saying jihad could only
be prosecuted formally by a Muslim state, and not informally by militias.
This wisdom was discarded later, and Hizb al-Mujahideen, starring Syed
Salahuddin of cap and beard fame, is a Jamaat unit. Maududi was ecumenical,
meaning that he unified the four Sunni groups of thought. He always excluded
Shias, as heretics.

The Kashmiri separatist movement is actually inseparable from Sunni
fundamentalism. Those on the Hurriyat's fringes who say they are Gandhians,
like Yasin Malik, are carried along by the others in the group so long as
the immediate task of resisting India is in common. But the Hurriyat and its
aims are ultimately poisonous, even for Muslims.

The Hurriyat Conference's idea of freedom unfolds from a religious instinct,
not a secular sentiment. This instinct is sectarian, and all the pro-azadi
groups are Shia-killers. In promoting their hatred, the groups plead for the
support of other Muslims by leaning on the name of the Prophet Muhammad.

Hafiz is a title and means memorizer of the Quran.
Mohammed Saeed's Lashkar Tayyaba means army of Tyeb (“the good“), one of the
Prophet's names.
This is incorrectly spelled and pronounced by our journalists as “Taiba“ or
“Toiba“, but Muslims can place the name. Lashkar rejects all law from
sources other than the recorded sayings and actions of Muhammad. This is
called being Wahhabi, and Wahhabis detest the Shia.

Jaish Muhammad (Muhammad's army) was founded in a Karachi mosque, and it is
linked to the Shia-killing Sipah Sahaba (Army of Muhammad's First Followers)
in Pakistan's Seraiki-speaking southern Punjab. The group follows a narrow,
anti-Shia doctrine developed in Deoband. Decades of non-interference by the
Pakistani state in the business of Kashmiri separatism has led to a loss of
internal sovereignty in Pakistan. The state is no longer able to convince
its citizens that it should act against these groups. Though their own Shia
are regularly butchered, a poll shows that a quarter of Pakistanis think
Lashkar Tayyaba does good work. We think Indian Muslims are different from
Pakistanis and less susceptible to fanaticism. It is interesting that within
Pakistan, the only group openly and violently opposed to Taliban and
terrorism are UP and Bihar migrants who form Karachi's secular Muttahida
Qaumi Movement (MQM) party.

So what do the separatist groups want? It is wrong to see them as being only
terrorist groups. They operate in an intellectual framework, and there is a
higher idea that drives the violence. This is a perfect state with an
executive who is pious, male and Sunni. Such a state, where all is done
according to the book, will get God to shower his blessings on the citizens,
who will all be Sunnis.

There are three types of Sunnis in Kashmir. Unionists, separatists, and
neutrals. Unionists, like Omar Abdullah, are secular and likely to be
repelled by separatism because they have seen the damage caused by political
Islam in Pakistan. They might not be in love with Indians, but they see the
beauty of the Indian Constitution. Neutrals, like Mehbooba Mufti, are
pragmatic and will accept the Indian Constitution when in power, though they
show defiance when out of it. This is fine, because they respond to a Muslim
constituency that is uncertain, but isn't totally alienated. The longer
these two groups participate in democracy in Kashmir, the weaker the
separatists become. The current violence is a result of this. Given their
boycott of politics, the Hurriyat must rally its base by urging them to
violence and most of it happens in Maisuma and Sopore. The violence should
also clarify the problem in the minds of neutrals: If Kashmiri rule does not
solve the azadi problem, what will?

India's liberals are defensive when debating Kashmir because of our
unfulfilled promise on plebiscite. But they shouldn't be. There is really no
option to secular democracy, whether one chooses it through a plebiscite or
whether it is imposed. It is a universal idea and there is no second form of
government in any culture or religion that works. The Islamic state is
utopian and it never arrives. Since it is driven by belief, however, the
search becomes quite desperate.

India has a constitution; Pakistan has editions. These are the various
Pakistani constitutions: 1935 (secular), 1956 (federal), 1962 (dictatorial),
1973 (parliamentary), 1979 (Islamic), 1999 (presidential), 2008
(parliamentary).
Why do they keep changing and searching? Muslims keep trying to hammer in
Islamic bits into a set of laws that is actually quite complete.
This is the Government of India Act of 1935, gifted to us by the British.

Kashmiris have it, and perhaps at some point they will learn to appreciate
its beauty.
Aakar Patel will take a break from his column to write a book. He will
return early next year.
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