---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Ram K. Swamy <[email protected]>
Date: Tue, Nov 30, 2010 at 2:37 PM


*"As FE has argued editorially, protecting the right to privacy gets even
more critical as the government starts collecting more and more information
about its citizens, through the UIDAI, for instance."*

http://www.financialexpress.com/news/column-tata-to-rajas-scam/717761/
SUNIL JAIN
Posted: Tuesday, Nov 30, 2010 at 0037 hrs IST

Tata to Raja’s scam

Ratan Tata has struck all the right notes when he said that the Niira Radia
tapes violate the right to privacy and the government has a lot to answer
for. While no one questions the government’s rights to tap a citizen’s
phones, for an income tax investigation say, the government is honour-bound
to protect the data—so, at some point, the I-T department and/or the CBI to
whom it gave the tapes to help along with its investigation, has to explain
how the information leaked.



As FE has argued editorially, protecting the right to privacy gets even more
critical as the government starts collecting more and more information about
its citizens, through the UIDAI, for instance.


The problem, however, is in the other things Tata has said, starting from
his description of the CAG report as the ‘so-called scam’, and then going on
to say the real scam is the ‘out-of-turn allotment of spectrum, hoarding of
spectrum by important players (read Sunil Mittal) for free’. Based on all
this, Tata has said the government needs to ‘bring (in) an auditor’—what
does he think the ‘A’ in CAG stands for?



Tata has gone on to say the calculation of the loss to the exchequer on the
basis of the 3G auction ‘looks somewhat like a hindsight issue’ and
concludes by saying ‘what is unclear to me is what really is the scam?’ This
is especially ironic since, in 2005, it was Tata who was the only Indian
industrialist in the field to say that spectrum should be auctioned—at that
time, Sunil Mittal had said that if Tata had so much extra money, he would
do well to send it to the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund.


First, it has to be pointed out, the CAG report has not calculated the loss
only on the basis of the bids received in the 3G auction—this, by the way is
not incorrect, since Tata’s own company has just come out with tariff plans
for its 3G offerings that are comparable to the current 2G tariff offers of
most companies. The CAG has three other loss calculations, based on the
prices at which various new telcos sold their equity—this ranges from Rs
57,000 crore based on the price Swan got to Rs 70,000 crore based on the
price Unitech got.


More important, the Tata group is a big beneficiary of Raja’s policy—of the
Rs 1,76,000 crore loss the CAG talks of, Rs 37,154 crore is due to what’s
called ‘dual technology’ licences. These are the licences given to firms
like the Anil Ambani group and the Tatas, firms that already had CDMA-based
mobile phone licences but were now also given GSM-based mobile licences.



So, if Unitech and Swan got licences at a sixth or less of their actual
value, so did the Anil Ambani group and so did the Tatas. Indeed, while the
law doesn’t allow any telco to hold more than 10% equity in another telco in
the same service area, dual-technology allows this. In that sense, the
benefit to the dual-technology firms extends to beyond that given to firms
like Unitech and Swan.


There is little doubt, as the CAG says, that firms like Bharti and Vodafone
that have got spectrum beyond 6.2MHz should pay the market price for it,
since there is nothing in their licence conditions that says they should get
spectrum without paying for it. There are various figures for losses,
ranging from Rs 13,000 crore to Rs 36,993 crore for this, depending on
whether you use the Swan figure or the 3G one. But let’s get some
perspective on this.



Firms like Bharti and Vodafone have paid an extra spectrum charge for this
every single year, at a rate that’s roughly 25% more than that paid by other
firms who don’t have this ‘extra’ spectrum—the spectrum charge is an annual
levy based on the revenue a firms earns from the spectrum it holds. This, in
the case of Bharti, works out to around Rs 75 crore in the latest quarter,
or around Rs 200 crore a year. Given Bharti’s licences are for another 5
years or so, it will end up paying at least another Rs 1,000 crore—the
actual figure will be higher, given how telecom revenues are growing, but
let’s keep it simple. If Bharti’s paying Rs 1,000 crore, the industry figure
will be around Rs 4,000 crore—add to this the Rs 3,500-odd crore of ‘extra’
spectrum fee firms like Bharti have already paid in this manner in the last
3-4 years. Net net, Bharti et al have clearly benefited and Tata is right
when he talks of this, but the benefit to them is probably a half what the
CAG has estimated.


The same probably applies to the issue of ‘hoarding’ spectrum where firms
like Bharti are servicing 8.7 lakh subscribers per MHz of spectrum per
circle (on an all-India basis, Bharti is servicing 1.9 crore subscribers per
MHz of spectrum), 8.2 lakh for Vodafone, 5.8 lakh for Reliance and 5.2 lakh
for Tata and next-to-nothing for the new players.

As for Tata’s complaint of the lack of a level playing field, which is one
of the issues Niira Radia was supposed to help address, Tata is right in
saying that others like RComm have got spectrum in all service areas while
the Tatas haven’t. Indeed, this comes from the fact that RComm paid its
licence fee even before the policy was announced. But this doesn’t detract
from the fact that, in the circles he got dual-technology spectrum, Tata has
benefited. Indeed, in 2001, when Ram Vilas Paswan came up with the fiction
of WLL licences, which allowed firms with land-line licences to offer
limited mobile services, and in 2003 when this was converted to full-blown
mobile licences, the Tatas have benefited each time around.


So let’s listen to Ratan Tata when he raises the issue of the government’s
job to protect the privacy of its citizens. But let’s keep the issue of
favouritism in issuing telecom licences separate from this debate.

[email protected]...




-- 
Adv Kamayani Bali Mahabal
+919820749204
skype-lawyercumactivist

The UID project is going to do almost exactly the same thing which the
predecessors of Hitler did, else how is it that Germany always had the lists

of Jewish names even prior to the arrival of the Nazis? The Nazis got these
lists with the help of IBM which was in the 'census' business that included
racial census that entailed not only count the Jews but also identifying
them. At the United States Holocaust Museum in Washington, DC, there is an
exhibit of an IBM Hollerith D-11 card sorting machine that was responsible
for organising the census of 1933 that first identified the Jews.

*SAY NO TO UID CAMPAIGN-  SPREAD THE WORD AND JOIN FB GROUP*
*http://aadhararticles.blogspot.com/
http://questioningaadhaar.blogspot.com/*
http://www.youtube.com/my_playlists?p=B67A798223F96E73

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