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*LEGISLATION*

* Redefining torture *

 V. VENKATESAN
*in New Delhi*

 * The Rajya Sabha Select Committee's report attempts to correct some of the
distortions in the Prevention of Torture Bill, 2010. *

   K. MURALI KUMAR

* A demonstration in Bangalore on the International Day in Support of
Victims of Torture. *

THE Report of the Select Committee on the Prevention of Torture Bill, 2010,
presented to the Rajya Sabha on December 6 has been hailed as a significant
step forward in undoing the injustice caused by the hasty passage of the
Bill without any debate in the Lok Sabha last year.

The Central government introduced the Bill in the Lok Sabha on April 26,
2010, to allow India to ratify the United Nations Convention Against Torture
and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). The Lok
Sabha passed it on May 6. The passage of the Bill, with members expressing
no concern about its inability to prevent torture, disappointed human rights
activists.

However, the Rajya Sabha adopted a motion on August 31 referring the Bill to
a Select Committee, comprising 13 of its members, for examination. Chaired
by Ashwani Kumar of the Congress, the committee included E.M. Sudarsana
Natchiappan of the Congress and Brinda Karat of the Communist Party of India
(Marxist). The committee held nine sittings and met the inmates of Tihar
Jail, New Delhi, who had suffered torture at the hands of the police. It
also heard the views of human rights activists and legal experts before
finalising the report. The committee's recommendations merit sincere
consideration by the government, especially in the light of the fact that
eminent members of civil society have serious misgivings about the Bill.

The foremost of these is the very objective of the Bill, which was conceived
merely as an enabling piece of legislation to ratify CAT. The United Nations
General Assembly adopted CAT on December 9, 1975. India signed the
Convention on October 14, 1997, when I.K. Gujral was the Prime Minister. To
ratify the Convention, it was necessary for a member-country to enact
enabling domestic legislation. The short-lived Gujral government could not
pave the way for its ratification. And Gujral's successors, Atal Bihari
Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh (during his first term), had no political will
to propose such legislation.

When the Manmohan Singh government, in its second term, introduced such a
Bill in Parliament, its sudden change of heart surprised observers. A close
scrutiny of the Bill, however, revealed that the government was more
interested in symbolic conformity with the requirement of ratification
rather than substantive compliance with CAT. India is one of the few
countries that have not yet ratified CAT, and the inordinate delay in doing
so appears to have eroded its moral standing within the international
community. However, India's credibility would have suffered a serious dent
if the Rajya Sabha too had passed the Bill as done by the Lok Sabha.
*

Restrictive provisions
*

The Bill seeks to provide punishment for torture inflicted by public
servants or for torture with the consent or acquiescence of a public
servant. As the Indian Penal Code (IPC) neither defines nor deals with
torture, Clauses 3 and 4 of the Bill aim to fill this gap. Activists and
experts find these provisions very restrictive. According to the Bill, to
amount to torture, an act must either cause grievous hurt or must cause
mental or physical danger to life, limb or health. Article 1 of CAT,
however, defines torture as “severe pain or suffering whether physical or
mental”. The Working Group on CAT interpreted the word “severe” to mean
“prolonged coercive and abusive conduct which, in itself, is not severe but
becomes so over a period of time”.

The Pre-Legislative Briefing Service (PLBS), a group of young legal experts
consulted by the Rajya Sabha Select Committee, pointed out in its report
that acts that in themselves may not constitute torture become so by reason
of their repeated application. The PLBS pointed out that the term “grievous
hurt” set the bar too high, without any recourse for persons suffering
slightly less but still severe hurt. In particular, it brought to the
committee's attention the following examples of severe hurt for which a
police officer would be punishable under the IPC under Section 330 (dealing
with ordinary hurt) but not under the torture Bill:

i) Stubbing a cigarette on the body of a person several times;

ii) Whipping a person with various instruments;

iii) Causing a person severe pain that lasts for less than 20 days.

In order to include many instances of torture within its ambit, the PLBS
suggested that the words “grievous hurt” and “danger to life, limb or
health” be replaced with “severe pain or suffering” in line with CAT. The
Select Committee has accepted its suggestion and recommended that the
definition of torture be suitably enlarged so as not to exclude acts
generally known to be committed on persons in custody which cause severe
physical and mental injury, pain, trauma, agony, and so on.

The committee is of the view that the definition of torture should not only
be consistent with that of CAT but should also be enlarged to include
specific and serious offences against the human body as enumerated in the
IPC.
*

Anomaly in the Bill
*

The PLBS also revealed another anomaly in the Bill. Clauses 3 and 4 of the
Bill indicate that only the person who actually committed the act of torture
be punished. This implies that a public servant who abets, consents,
acquiesces or conspires in an act of torture cannot be punished under the
Bill. It “incentivises and legitimises the outsourcing of torture to private
parties and provides the impunity for the public servant who planned or
directed the torture,” the PLBS reported. The Select Committee appears to
have missed this subtle distinction between a public servant who commits
torture and the one who simply abets or attempts it, and the need to punish
both.

The Select Committee, however, has recommended that the definition of public
servants should be enlarged to include those employed in government
companies or any institution or organisation, including educational
institutions under the control of the Union and State governments.

The committee has recommended that a minimum punishment of three years be
provided to make the law more deterrent. Similarly, it has proposed that a
minimum fine of Rs.1 lakh be imposed on the torturer. The Bill does not
provide for any minimum punishment for torture, thus leaving the scope for
lesser punishments not consistent with the gravity of the offence of
torture.

The committee has also made recommendations for suitable provisions in the
Bill to rehabilitate victims of torture. It feels the Bill should indicate
guidelines to be followed to arrive at a fair and adequate compensation to
the victim, and in case of death, to his or her dependants.
 G. MOORTHY

* Children of torture victims and children affected by various social
disorders at a summer camp in Alagarkoil near Madurai in May 2009. *

The Bill implies that an act of torture is not punishable unless it is
committed for the purpose of extracting a confession and on the grounds of
religion, race, and so on, of the victim. The PLBS suggested that the
conjunctive clause “and” was inappropriate because it had the effect of
making a narrow definition of punishable torture. The PLBS suggested that an
act of torture committed by a public servant – in his public capacity – must
be punishable regardless of the reason for which that act was committed. The
Select Committee has not found it necessary to deal with these suggestions.

Clause 5 of the Bill states that no court shall take cognisance of torture
unless the complaint is made within six months from the date on which the
offence is alleged to have been committed. The PLBS suggested that this
clause be deleted, as the limitation period of six months imposed an
arbitrary restriction on cognisance of cases relating to torture by courts.
The Standing Committee, however, has recommended that a liberal limitation
period of two years from the date on which the alleged offence was committed
for filing of the complaint would give sufficient time to enable the victim
of torture to initiate proceedings against those responsible for torture.
The committee has also considered it necessary to vest the discretion with
the court to entertain complaints even beyond the period of two years so as
to advance the ends of substantive justice.

Clause 6 of the Bill requires prior sanction for the prosecution of a public
servant accused of torture. The committee feels that there is a need to
retain the provision of prior sanction of a competent authority before
proceeding against the public servant concerned so as to insulate honest
public servants from false, frivolous, vexatious and malicious prosecution.
At the same time, the committee has opined that such a provision should not
be used to shield those officials who have, in fact, intentionally tortured
or abetted the torture of individuals.

It, therefore, has recommended a provision in the Bill under which if the
requested sanction is not granted within a period of three months from the
date of application, it would be deemed to have been granted. This, the
committee hopes, will help ensure that the right of the victim is not lost
owing to procedural delays and he is not made to run from pillar to post to
get justice.

The committee has recommended that sanction in blatant cases of torture
should be the norm and where sanction to prosecute is declined, the said
decision should be supported by reasons, and the decision must also be
appealable. The committee also wants the trial of offences under the Bill to
be concluded within one year from the date of cognisance of the offence. It
has urged Parliament to include in the Bill suitable provisions to protect
victims, complainants and witnesses.

Observers wonder whether the government will revise the Bill in the light of
the Standing Committee's significant recommendations.

   * *

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*~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
"Ours is a battle not for wealth or for power.
 It is a battle for freedom. It is a battle for the reclamation of human
personality."
- Dr BR Ambedkar
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~*

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