The decision to make Jamia a minority institution is an unfortunate step.It
is a national institution and what is required is to strengthen its national
character. What a pity that we cannot see beyond religion.
KNPanikkar

On Fri, Feb 25, 2011 at 9:19 AM, manisha sethi <[email protected]>wrote:

> Dear  Friends,
> please find below a statement of Jamia Teachers' Solidarity Association,
> signed by several teachers of the University on the issue of minority status
> to Jamia. This was released in Feb 2010 and questioned the dominant
> discourse being put forth. The statement raises several issues about the
> demand for minority status--all of which have been left unaddressed by the
> votaries of the minority status. These questions remain relevant, indeed
> need to be responded to even more urgently now.
> **
> *Jamia Millia Islamia and Minority Status: Unresolved issues*
>
> The moot question facing us today in Jamia is how to best ensure Muslim
> representation in our institution. This sentiment is entirely legitimate
> given the fact that Muslims lag behind in higher education, as established
> by the Sachar Committee Report. The debate remains whether minority status
> for Jamia is the best recourse to realize this. The crucial thing to discuss
> is if minority interests will be served better by granting minority status
> or by retaining Jamia as its founders visualized—that is, a university that
> will have a stake in the national mainstream. Jamia was envisaged as a space
> of higher learning and critical thinking against the insularity and
> isolationism of all kinds. The demand for minority status vitiates that
> glorious history of Jamia as a secular inclusive space.
>
> Over years, Jamia has emerged as a centre for academic excellence, thus
> enhancing the value of the university’s degrees, and making our students
> genuinely competitive once they leave the university. The tag of minority
> status will deprive them of this edge and render them unfit for wider market
> and opportunities. If there is a diverse student population in Jamia, it is
> because Jamia’s stature has grown in stature to be able to attract a larger
> pool of talent. If today, we turn inwards, the worst sufferers will be our
> Muslim students. In the current scenario, where Muslim youth already stand
> stigmatized and suspect, degree from a ‘minority’ institution will mar,
> rather than enhance their chances of success in life and career. Jamia has
> the potential to emerge as an indisputable centre of cultural engagement
> between different communities—as indeed its founders envisioned it—and as it
> has emerged over the years. A turn towards ‘minority’ status will rob it of
> its historical role in bridging the cultural gap between communities and its
> vanguard role in breaking stereotypical assumptions about Muslims.
>
> Rather than isolationism, accepting OBC reservations will lead to manifold
> increase in the resources and infrastructure as well as expansion in the
> intake of students and teaching positions. The increase in the number of
> seats will ultimately benefit students from the minority community.
> Furthermore, the OBC issue has emerged out of a democratic churning and we
> can ill afford to retreat in our shell, aloof from forging solidarities with
> the democratic aspirations of other social groups.
>
> Those who think that the minority status will promote the interests of the
> minority community will only be advocating a shallow minorityism at the cost
> of securing genuine minority rights.
>
> Those in favour of minority status argue that the OBC reservations will
> nullify Jamia’s internal reservation, and will in the long run, negatively
> influence the intake of Muslim students in the university. A case is being
> made out as though Muslim and OBCs are two mutually exclusive and opposed
> categories, and as if Muslims are a monolithic and homogenous group with no
> internal hierarchies. This is patently incorrect and academically unsound. A
> large proportion of the Muslim population is OBC. It stood at 40.7 per cent
> according to the 61st round of NSSO (2004-5), (in Bihar and UP, the
> proportion of OBC Muslim population is much higher, standing at 63.4 per
> cent 64 per cent respectively).
>
>
>
> While the Sachar Committee report has clearly established that the
> educational level and representation of Muslims as a whole is low, the
> condition of Muslim OBCs are worse off than those of general Muslims. A
> larger percentage of Muslim OBCs fall in the law income category than the
> general Muslims. (p. 213, SCR).   The monthly per capita expenditure (mpce)
> among general Muslims is Rs 833 while among the Muslim OBCs, it stands at Rs
> 689. Illiteracy among general Muslims is 33.3 per cent; while among the OBCs
> it is 38; in higher education, the proportion of graduates and post
> graduates is 2.4 per cent for general Muslims and 1.9 per cent for Muslim
> OBCs.
>
>
>
> *Are we to ignore the material, social and educational differentials
> within the community and allow the most marginalized and deprived groups
> (such as the Saifis, Julahas, Dhunias, Kunjras, and Hajjams included in the
> OBC list) who could have probably benefited from the OBC reservation? *
>
>
>
> While the Right-wing has created a mythic discourse of ‘Muslim
> appeasement’; the supposedly secular polity has also consistently evaded the
> issue of genuine Muslim empowerment and distributive justice, happy only to
> engage with cultural questions with a largely conservative leadership. This
> is best exemplified in the State’s approach towards addressing the
> educational needs of the Muslims. The 15-point Programme launched amidst
> much fanfare by the present government to alleviate the educational
> backwardness of the Muslims cannot see beyond madarsas (accessed only by 3-4
> per cent Muslim children). Even here, according to the Ministry of Minority
> Affairs report, a mere Rs. 49.50 crore was allocated under the scheme to
> cover 14539 Madarsa teachers across 14 states in 2008-09. This programme
> remains silent about higher education, ignoring SCR’s recommendation to open
> new centres of higher learning in Muslim populated areas, and the typical
> strategy has been to hand out certificates of minority status (according to
> the Ministry of HRD’s own press release dated 29 Jan 2008, so far 1000
> institutions have thus been deemed minority institutions).
>
>  *The granting of minority status to Jamia would in one stroke allow the
> Indian government, without spending even a single extra paisa, to claim a
> surge in its budgetary allocation for minority education*. The resources
> which would have come to Jamia as a central university, would instantly be
> subsumed under the 15 point progarmme.
>
>
>
> Any genuine struggle for Muslim empowerment and rights should be to demand
> and ensure the presence of Muslims in all institutions of higher education
> rather than creating and limiting their presence in separate educational
> enclaves. This is a demand that the state would only be too ready to grant,
> allowing it to wash its hands off the more crucial and difficult task of
> making higher education across the board more accessible to Muslims. We
> caution the government not to perpetuate the politics of minorityism while
> abandoning the cause of minority rights.
>
>
>
>
>
> * Sd/-*
>
>
>
> Prof. (Retd.) Shamim Hanafi,
>
> Prof. Azra Razzack,
>
> Dr. Farah Farooqi,
>
> Prof. M.S. Bhatt,
>
> Dr. Manisha Sethi,
>
> Adeel Mehdi,
>
> Tanweer Fazal,
>
> Dr. M. Ghazi Shahnawaz,
>
> Dr. Arshad Alam,
>
> Ahmed Sohaib,
>
> Dr. Arvinder Ansari,
>
> Dr. Kulwinder Kaur,
>
> Dr. Sarwat Ali,
>
> Prof. Farida Khan,
>
> Prof. Anwar Alam,
>
> Prof. Arif Ali,
>
> Prof. Inayat Ziadi,
>
> Prof. Sunita Zaidi,
>
> Prof. Durga Prasad Gupta,
>
> Mukul Kesavan,
>
> Prof. Sheena Jain,
>
> Prof. Madhu Khanna,
>
> Dr. Nuzhat Kazmi,
>
> Dr. P.K. Basant,
>
> Dr. Ajay Behera,
>
> Dr. Gomati Bodara,
>
> Dr. Pradyuman,
>
> Dr. Firdaus,
>
> Mujibur Rehman,
>
> Harpreet Kaur,
>
> Dr. Narendra Kumar,
>
> Dr. Samrendra Padmanabh,
>
>
>
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