democracy can lead to justice only when economic and social inequlaities and 
unjust cultural idioms and practices are challenged, as well as when those who 
are oppressed have double electorate.  
 
further, the entire neo liberal paradigm has to be challenged, for the 
injsutices and inequalities we see in India today are not just a failure of the 
Indian state but global capital and world bank, wto, public private 
foundations, MNCs and even un secruity countil.
 
yesterday i go an sms saying 'development schemes and projects of government 
and donors available on cd'. is development a racket or should voices of the 
oppressed shape what schemes are offered or what donors/government push. This 
is curbing of dissent and democracy by not only governments but donors
 
suppressed voices 
 
 
 
.    
 
 
     
 
 
--- On Wed, 13/4/11, Kalyani Menon-Sen <[email protected]> wrote:


From: Kalyani Menon-Sen <[email protected]>
Subject: [feministsindia] Neera Chandhoke on Democracy and the Anti-Corruption 
Campaign
To: [email protected]
Date: Wednesday, 13 April, 2011, 7:48 AM


  






http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-seeds-of-authoritarianism/774794/0



The seeds of authoritarianism


Neera ChandhokeTue Apr 12 2011, 02:41 hrs
Any perceptive analyst of democracy will testify that there is no necessary 
relationship between democracy and a corruption-proof regime, or development, 
or political stability. If we were to evaluate democracy from the vantage point 
of the desired ends we expect it to realise, it would fare rather poorly when 
compared to authoritarian governments, say the one institutionalised in 
Singapore by its former prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew. Yew transformed Singapore 
from a malaria-infested swamp to an economic powerhouse, and a major centre of 
finance. The island-state has one of the highest per capita incomes in the 
world, possesses a world-class educational and health system, and boasts of an 
incorruptible public service.


But the regime ruthlessly controls the press, does not permit freedom of 
expression, and stamps out dissidence — and, often, dissidents. It might have 
controlled corruption, achieved material well-being, and become one of the 
financial power centres of the world; but Singapore does not respect the two 
prime fundamentals of democracy as India does: popular sovereignty and the 
equal moral status of citizens.

This is not to celebrate India’s democracy, which is deeply flawed in many 
crucial respects. It is to point out that the proposed solutions for a 
corruption-free India that are currently on offer might not be democratic at 
all. I am by no means downplaying the achievements of the struggle against 
corruption. Anna Hazare is significant because his fast unto death catalysed 
the exasperation and the anger of Indian citizens against a system which has 
trapped all of us in its ugly and greedy clutches. The sight of hundreds of 
people holding candles in their hand was moving because it transmitted two 
powerful messages.

One, the political elite is but the representative of the people, and the 
people are entitled to demand accountability of these representatives for all 
acts of omission and commission. Two, all those hundreds of crores that pass 
from hand to hand; from ministers, to industrial houses, to lobbyists, to shady 
firms, and to individuals, are public money. People have a right to demand that 
the taxes that are extracted from them are spent for the public good and not 
for private gain.

So, when members of the political elite castigate the campaign against 
corruption as blackmail, it occasions a blink. Hello guys, this is what civil 
society is about. In 1790, the eminent Irish orator, wit, legal luminary, and 
member of the British parliament, John Curran (1750-1817) had suggested that 
“the condition on which god hath given liberty to man is eternal vigilance.” 
This is the historical mandate of civil society. In democratic states, civil 
society is expected to keep watch on violations of democratic norms by the 
state, through citizen activism, the making and circulation of informed public 
opinion, a free media, a multiplicity of social associations and sundry means 
of protest.

Yet a word of caution might be in order here. Confronted with the intractable 
problems that the messy but occasionally creative world of democracy brings 
with it, some civil society organisations prefer to substitute democracy with 
administration. Establish a Jan Lokpal, endow it with colossal power, bestow on 
it the status of a Leviathan, and all our problems will be solved. Sorry, this 
is not democratic.

If democracy on the one hand is about popular sovereignty, freedom and 
equality, it is also about procedures and principles. One of these principles 
is the separation of powers. It is of the utmost importance that power should 
not be concentrated in one institution, and that democratic decisions should be 
subject to review not only by citizens, but also by other state institutions to 
ensure conformity with the Constitution. Democracy is the only form of 
government that is capable of self-correction; this should not be compromised 
for any reason whatsoever.

Certainly corruption is a major issue and needs to be fought, but according to 
procedures and norms, and in keeping with the mandate of the Constitution. The 
country is not Ralegan Siddhi, where alcoholics are flogged to make them give 
up their ways. India is democratic, and in a democracy even guilty people have 
rights. Anna Hazare may have earned the status of a big brother, but no 
democrat can allow him to turn this Lokpal into another big brother right out 
of the pages of George Orwell’s projected nightmare.

More worrying are the political beliefs held by this gentleman. He wants 
corrupt people to be put to death! In a civilised society, surely, the very 
idea of capital punishment is anathema. What gives cause for even more anxiety 
is the extraordinarily low opinion that this Gandhian has of the very people 
who had rallied around him during his fast. “Ordinary voter [sic] does not have 
awareness”, he is reported to have said in a meeting with the press. “They cast 
their vote under the influence of Rs 100 or a bottle of liquor or a sari 
offered by candidates. They do not understand the value of their vote.”

This is an astonishing statement. Does not contempt for the ordinary Indian 
citizen defy the very rationale of democracy, and that of its major claim to 
legitimacy, that of equal moral status? Moreover, Anna Hazare should pay more 
attention to the history of elections. Does he really not remember how 
arbitrary and non-performing governments have been voted out of power in 
national and state elections?

More significantly this “voting out” has been carried out by the very ordinary 
Indian who he betrays such disdain for. Despite all its flaws, political 
democracy in the country has enabled large numbers of poor and marginal people 
to understand the power of the franchise, enter the public arena of politics, 
and to some degree influence the political discourse, and the fate of 
governments.

To wrap up the argument, it is time the holders of state power understand that 
mobilisation in civil society against or for policies, is an integral part of 
democratic politics, particularly when our representatives have betrayed us 
time and again. The state enacts, implements and adjudicates policies in our 
name, and governs in our name. We, therefore, have the right to ask why we 
should accept unjust and arbitrary policies, and above all, corruption.

But this does not mean that we uncritically accept civil society initiatives as 
wholly good and entirely democratic. Civil society is a plural space, and some 
organisations can carry within them the seeds of authoritarianism, and of an 
inexorable “will to power”. These initiatives should also be subjected to 
public scrutiny and engaged with. Eternal vigilance is, after all, the price we 
willingly pay for democracy.  

The writer is professor of political science at the University of Delhi






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