*Towards a Riot Free India*


*Debates around Draft of Communal Violence Bill*





*Ram Puniyani*





India has been subject to communal violence right from the first Post
Partition riot of 1961 in Jabalpur. Later one saw the intensification of
this violence in the decade of 1980, from which time it has become a major
issue disrupting peace and amity amongst religious communities. The most
disturbing of these riots have been the Anti-Sikh Pogrom of 1984 (Delhi)
anti Muslim carnage of 1992-93 (Mumbai in particular) and 2002 (Gujarat).
Anti Christian violence surfaced with the sporadic acts and went on becoming
worsening, the burning alive of Pastor Graham Stains (1999) and Kandhmal
violence of 2008 being the horrific example of this.



With this concern the UPA introduced a Bill to strengthen legal mechanism to
deal with the violence. Somehow the bill as drafted earlier turned out to be
‘a remedy worse that disease’. Though this Bill is already in Rajya Sabha
the human rights activists and representations from affected minority
communities protested and pointed out the fallacies of the Bill. Responding
to their anguish, UPA II gave the task of drafting the bill to National
Advisory Committee. Two of whose members (Farah Naqvi and Harsh Mander)
convened the Advisory Group with social activists to prepare a draft. After
the intense efforts for over a period of one and a half years the draft is
in the final stage, and has been put on its websites and is awaiting the
final touch up before being submitted to the Government.



A study of this draft reveals that for the first time a significant step in
communal violence control has been undertaken in a most serious way. This
Bill covers most of the points which lead to violence, add to sustaining it,
and later lead to denial of justice. As such the most neglected areas of
violence against women, the area of rehabilitation and reparation also get a
prominent and adequate recommendation from this Bill.



One concedes that some rough edges of the Bill do need smoothening, but
still overall it is a landmark step in trying to create an institutional
mechanism to boost National integration and Communal Harmony.
Notwithstanding that, the BJP leadership, Arun Jaitley, and a section of
media has already started to oppose the Bill and is propagating that the
Bill just talks of violence against Minorities (i.e. Muslims and Christians)
and ignores the violence against the majority community. Nothing can be
farther from truth. The attempt of the draft is to define the Minority as
the religious, linguistic groups. It also brings in the targeted violence
against SC and ST. The concept of the draft is guided by the total
experience of the society during last six decades.



The data of last six decades is very revealing. In 1991, it was estimated
that while the percentage of Muslim minorities is 12.4 in the population,
amongst the riot victims Muslims were 80%. The latest data reveals that
Muslims constitute 90% of the victims of violence. The anti Christian
violence figures speak for themselves, where one notices that not only
sporadic violence has been on the rise, there are concerted acts of
violence, like the one witnessed in Kandhmal. The violence against dalits
and STs has been occurring regularly. In that sense the focus of this draft
is well taken, as it is taking into consideration the concrete realties of
our society.



This focus is very similar to the focus of Domestic Violence bill and the
bill against atrocities on Dalits and STs. While there may be few acts of
violence against men by women, it is primarily women who are the major
victims of domestic violence. Similarly while upper caste may be the victims
of violence by dalits-STs occasionally, the major brunt is borne by dalits
and STs, so this focus. It also does not mean that violence against men or
upper caste will go unpunished or unaddressed. Similarly those from the
majority who suffer due to violence initiated by minorities should be
suitably given justice, most of the provisions for this are already there.
Needless to say even in the anti-minority targeted violence, some from the
majority also have to suffer incidentally; justice to them is part of the
system and existing provisions.



So does this draft ignore the Hindu majority? Lets notice that the focus of
definition of Minority group, as religious, linguistic, caste and tribe. As
per that we can easily see that Hindus are a religious minority in seven
states in India, Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, Mizoram, Manipur, Meghalaya,
Nagaland, and Andaman-Nicobar. Hindus are linguistic minorities in many
states. The bill also talks of SCs and STs on the same ground. With such an
approach the long standing issue of Kashmiri Pundits also gets a new
mechanism which can help get them justice as they are a minority in their
state.



The argument that it does not address the violence of minority against the
majority religious community is a deliberate propaganda on the part of BJP.
One knows that this Bill is aiming at curbing the mass violence. The mass
violence has been mainly against religious minorities. The religious
minorities also suffer from the institutional bias at the hands of the
police, bureaucracy and other state institutions. Most of the studies have
demonstrated this fact and one must recall the conclusions of the study of
Dr. Vibhuti Nariain Rai, a Police officer, who concluded that police
attitude is heavily biased against religious minorities and that in most of
the mass violence cases a situation is created by the majoritiarian
political groups, where by the Muslims are cornered, forced against the
wall; where sometimes they throw the first stone out of sheer frustration.
This Bill deals with the mass violence and not isolated incidents here and
there. The existing clauses of IPC and Cr PC are fairly adequate to deal
with the violence against majority community.





The major highlight of this Bill is to ensure the accountability of the
officials whose act of commission and omission are at the root of the
continuation of the violence. They in turn are sometimes being dictated by
the political leadership. Again as Rai points out no act of communal
violence can go on beyond 48 hours unless the administration is complicit in
the violence. The attempt of the Draft Bill is also to pin down the
political leadership which is behind the foot soldiers on the rampage in the
streets. The experience of most the riots and the inquiry reports of most of
the major events of communal violence show that there is a well planned
execution of the anti minority violence, so the leadership of political
group behind these perpetrators will also come under the gambit of the bill.
The most significant point is to take action against the Hate propaganda
against the vulnerable communities and their economic and social boycott.
This bill attempts to address those delicate areas of our political reality.



With this it becomes obvious that the BJP and associates, the progeny of
RSS, attempting to create ‘Hindu Majoritarian State’ will naturally be
disturbed by the Bill trying to comprehensively deal with the issue, to
ensure our effort to maintain the plural structure of our state where we all
can live the life of dignity. The bill does recognize that communal violence
is trying to shift of our polity in a sectarian direction and it is the duty
of state to provide the atmosphere of security for all the citizens.



The strong aspects of the Bill relate to ensuring that state as the guardian
of all, vulnerable sections included, must take responsibility of the
victims of violence, their rehabilitation and process of reparation put in
place to ensure that the affected communities are not boycotted after the
violence and are able to live the life of peace and amity.



The role of Central Government in monitoring the whole process, and the
center-state relations are the points which do need refining so that Center
is able to curb the mass violence without stepping on the toes of the state
Government. That’s a matter of fine tuning the bill. The need is to ensure
that the existing mechanisms of justice are properly implemented and victims
are empowered. The nature of National Authority for Communal Harmony,
Justice and Reparation, as suggested by NAC, with 7 members, four of them
being from minority community is a welcome part of the draft. One hopes this
body is modeled on the functioning of Election Commission, with adequate
powers without disturbing the existing mechanisms, just ensuring that
existing power structures and mechanisms become properly answerable. In this
accountability and command responsibility of those from the top also come
under the purview for their decisions related to commission or omission
both. One also knows that mere laws don’t solve all the problems. The need
to instill the values of amity and harmony as embodied in our freedom
movement need to be re-emphasized by the state and social movements so that
such a bill becomes a real effective check on the divisive tendencies in the
society.

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