*Indian Muslim Youth: Groping for Equity and Security*


*Ram Puniyani*



In a most communities youth have a serious struggle on hand to look beyond
the present for the future, especially their careers, longing for dignity
and a decent existence. While this applies to all the youth, the struggle
of youth from marginalized and discriminated against communities are much
more. It is on this terrain that, Chetan Bhagat, the popular writer turned
columnist, decided to advise Muslim youth about their future path, choices.
His advice came in the form of an article, a letter from a Muslim youth, in
a leading daily. The article was so insensitive to the plight of Muslims;
it amounted to blaming them for their own plight; and so subtly advised
them to opt for leaders like Narendra Modi. This was not a direct advice,
Modi’s name was not spelt but the hint was obvious.



Muslim youth felt hurt and insulted by the tone and tenor of the letter and
wrote a response which is widely circulated on the net. The letter in
nutshell points out the plight of Muslim community as a whole and Muslim
youth in general; it also expressed the hurt feelings of the youth. The
feeling of hurt and anger is oozing through this expression of the sigh of
Muslim youth, a group currently facing myriad problems. The letter
questions the democracy of ours, “If it were so, Afzal Guru wouldn’t have
been executed to ‘’satisfy the collective conscience of the nation’’.
Muslim youth would not have fallen prey to minority witch-hunting, and
their killers not decorated with gallantry awards.” It also questions the
popular perceptions that the Muslims are under the influence of Maulanas
and that Muslims vote in herds.



The letter is an apt response to the proclivities of the crass writers like
Bhagat. But Bhagat is not alone in not understanding the plight of Muslim
youth. There is a large section amongst our population who will buy the
type of crudity which Bhagat is displaying in his article. As such Muslim
community’s plight has been worst compounded during last three decades.
There are multiple factors; some of them have a lot to do with the
historical background of Muslims in India, partition tragedy, the
ascendance of global terrorism in pursuit of oil wealth by US and coining
of the term ‘Islamic terrorism’ by US media. Other factors relate to the
rise of communal politics, politics of religious identity and some others
have a deeper relation with the communalized state apparatus.





A large section of Indian Muslim community comes from the untouchables, the
shudras, who embraced Islam under the influence of Sufi saints. This was
done to escape the tyranny of varna-caste system. During colonial period,
the poor Muslims plight remained unaffected. This was mainly due to the
fact that in the aftermath of 1857 rebellion, British subjected Muslims to
greater repression as they held Muslims as having bigger role in 1857
event. When the community started recovering from its snubbing, some
efforts for modern education leading to Aligarh Muslim University began in
right earnest. Still these efforts were restricted more to the Ashraf,
elite and low caste poor Muslims remained where they had been from
centuries. Majority of Muslims were part of freedom movement, ignoring the
communal appeals of Muslim League. Later Muslim League, which began with
the sections of landlords and Nawabs also, started getting some support
from section of educated and elite Muslims. With partition, a large section
of traders, bureaucrats and educated Muslims left for Pakistan, while the
majority of poor Muslims remained here in India.



At the time of partition the average condition of Muslims and dalits was
practically similar. Despite that the future trajectory of both these
communities was diametrically opposite. Dalit identity gradually gained
some respect due to the struggles led by Dr. Ambedkar. Dalits also got
reservations. The impact of these was very positive on the march of dalits
towards equality. Muslim community had another fate in store. They started
being blamed for partition, started being looked down upon as ‘other’ and
their employment in Government jobs became difficult, much below their
percentage in population. This discriminating against became a sort of
disincentive for the youth to go for studies. To add to the woes of the
community communal violence directed against them started picking up
leading to the increased feeling of insecurity by and by. By now this
minority, close to 13-14% has a huge representation amongst the victims of
communal violence.



The rise of communal politics, beginning with Shah Bano case and then the
aggressive Ram Temple movement, started pushing the community into the
margins of the society in a very active way. Muslim political
representation in the representative bodies, Lok Sabha (Parliament) –Vidhan
Sabhas (state assemblies) started coming down heavily. Ram Temple movement
and the accompanying violence left the community gasping for survival. To
add to this came the global phenomenon of terrorism, Al Qaeda, its entry
into Kashmir and the demonization of Muslims which went up in due course of
time particularly after 9/11 2001. The investigating authorities had a
simple formula, if there is an act of terror, Muslim youth must have done
it.  The consequences of this are simple enough, after every acts of blast
arrest hundreds of youth put them behind bars and by the time courts
declare them innocent, their future life is ruined and the label of
terrorist is permanently stuck on their foreheads. To supplement to this
the encounters, Batla House, Ishrat Jahan completed the picture of
demonization of Muslim community in general and Muslim youth in particular.



Running parallel to this adverse situation a social humiliation, the
attitude of state, police bureaucracy and average people picked up
rapidly, and by now Muslims are practically barred from buying houses in
the mixed localities, ghettoisation of community in major cities has
started going up. A de facto second class citizenship for them is being
gradually getting constructed. It is against these odds that a large
section of Muslim youth stood firm with grit and determination and made
their space in IT world and in occupations which did not require state
patronage. As such also many of them have struggled to make their space in
non formal professions, films sports. Interestingly even in America, the
subjugated class of African Americans has higher representation in Films,
music and sports. Their bigger presence in similar areas in India also has
its own tale to tell.



In such a situation the sympathetic sounding ‘opponents’ of the ilk of
Chetan Bhagat are scattered in different walks of life, giving them advices
to the effect that Muslims are responsible for their own plight. When a
girl is raped many from such tribe blame the girl for the fate she met,
something is wrong with her. Victim as the culprit is the language of the
conservative ideologies, Chetan Bhagat does represent such a mind set when
he writes to Muslim youth the way he has written this article.


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