*Neoliberalism, Hindutva Supremacism and Challenges before Revolutionary
Movement*

*-subhash gatade*



Friends

I feel honoured to be here to be part of the sixth conference of Human
Rights Forum*. Many thanks are due to the organisers to invite a left
activist like me to this deliberations and giving me an opportunity to
share my ideas.

For me it was a belated realisation that the conference is taking place
around sixth death anniversary of the legendary activist for human rights
and for justice late K Balgopal, who played a key role in the formation of
the Forum. It does not need underlining that late K Balagopal was a rare
combination of a scholar - mathematician by passion and lawyer by
commitment - and activist who not only broke new grounds in the discourse
around civil liberties and human rights but did not hesitate to raise
uncomfortable questions when the time came. One can still imagine the loss
you all must have felt when he suddenly left six years ago. As rightly
mentioned by the late K G Kannabiran in his obituary then, how he was 'one
in a century rights activist' who brought on agenda 'jurisprudence of
insurgence'.

Standing here, - amongst an august audience of veterans of human rights
movement and scholars, intellectuals, grass root level activists - I can
easily look at my own limitations of understanding as well as the limited
experience I have of actual struggles on the ground. And that's why I have
no hesitation in admitting at the beginning itself that what I plan to
share with you today should be considered scribblings of an activist who is
himself trying to comprehend things.

1.

Politics as the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci argued is always
underpinned by hybrid philosophies. Perhaps the best example in our recent
memory which bears testimony to this seems to be the present dispensation
at the centre which on the one hand still sticks to the

- Exclusivist/majoritarian worldview of Hindutva Supremacism and

- is simultaneously busy furthering the neoliberal agenda under the glib
talk of development.

It is abundantly clear that it has no qualms in projecting its relationship
with a self proclaimed cultural organisation called RSS - which openly
abhors the pluralist tradition of this part of South Asia, which has been
an admirer of the policies and persona of Hitler n Mussolini, which had
kept itself aloof from the independence struggle, had opposed making of the
constitution under the chairmanship of Dr Ambedkar and had instead proposed
that Manusmriti be made into independent India's constitution and is
engaged today in a corporate friendly agenda which is characterised by
deregulation of economy, liberalisation of trade and industry,
privatisation of state owned enterprises marked by massive tax cuts,
reduction of social services and other welfare programes, downsizing of
government, tax havens, anti-unionisation drive to 'boost productivity',
removal of controls on global financial and trade flows.

The grand metamorphosis of Mr Narendra Modi, from a 'polariser' to a
'development man' seems to symbolise this new juncture in Indian politics.
He leads a parliament which has the lowest representation of minorities
since independence and a ruling party which does not have a single elected
member from the biggest minority in the country. We have been witness to a
strange paradox that many members of the ruling party have been found to be
valorising Nathuram Godse, the first terrorist of independent India and
spewing venon against the minorities on the floor of the august house.

Everyone knows it but not everyone would like to remember it these days
that Mr Modi - who has completed around one and half year being Prime
Minister of this country - remained under scanner of national and
international human rights organisations for his alleged
complicity/connivance or inaction during the infamous riots (variously
described as carnage/genocide) when he was Chief Minister of Gujarat and
was shunned by the leading western countries for similar reasons for more
than a decade. And a case is still pending before the Supreme Court of the
country filed by Ms Zakia Zaffery, widow of the ex-Congress M.P. Ahsan
Jaffery who was killed by a rampaging mob of Hindutva fanatics in 2002,
which similarly calls into question his alleged role during the riots.

2.

In fact whatever might be the claims of the PR agencies or the spin doctors
close to the government - who are busy telling the outside world that how
Modi has helped raise India's prestige at the international level ( forget
the fact that his government’s attempts to play 'big brother' in
neighbouring Nepal has alienated all the mainstream parties from it) -  it
is for everyone to see that the effect of his ascent at the social level
have been devastating.

The mob lynching of a poor Muslim because of a rumour that he was eating
beef, in a village not very far from the national capital, and the manner
in which the whole barbaric event is being rationalised by different
sections of the ruling party and the continued silence maintained by the PM
for a long time who is supposed to be a avid social media user is the
latest sign of this state of affairs. What was surprising that he had time
to tweet a condolence message when son of a famours singer died abroad but
he perhaps did not feel the need to show similar concern when poor Akhlaq
was lynched by the people.

Any stocktaking of the unfolding situation brings home few stark facts that
with his ascent

- the alleged fringe elements of the rightwing which effectively are part
of a continuum have got a new boost/legitimacy

- with two writers/activists killed within a span of nine months and
several others receiving threats and intimidations and supposedly a 'hit
list' in circulation, India has of late started imitating one of its
Islamist neighbours where bloggers are being hounded and cultural
programmes are being bombed supposedly to protect the sanctity of religion

- today attempts to foment communal tensions in newer areas are on leading
to what the government itself has admitted that there has been 25 per cent
increase in communal incidents

- the hurt sentiment brigade has unleashed series of bans prompting a hindi
newspaper to say that under this dispensation 'bans are raining',

-  retrogade changes in curriculum have been undertaken with people with
dubious academic credentials being given responsibilities in key
institutions

- there has been a conscious attack on provisions meant for the vulnerable
and marginalised sections of our society in very many ways and there is
conscious withdrawal of state from social welfare activities.

- every effort is being made to put profit at the centre instead of
people's welfare and a free play is being given to the market forces

One can see it as a regime which essentially is *walking on two legs*.

The growing neoliberal offensive couched in the language of ‘development’
accompanied by (as and when necessary) communal tensions supposedly to
further drive a wedge between different sections of the toiling masses, so
that the broader issues of deprivation and pauperisation do not get raised
at any level is the new normal.

As we can see this tactics has served them well till date.

Despite the growing realisation that they have befooled people by false
promises - remember the much discussed promise that they will bring back
black money - despite their U Turns on many key issues, despite the fact
that prices of essential commodities have skyrocketed in recent times, one
does not see much anger coming out on streets, because we can see the
politics of 'us' versus 'them' is in full swing. People seem to be more
worried about what is in neighbours plate and what s/he is wearing and not
concerned with the fact that her/his own plate is rather empty.

Around a year ago well-known documentary film maker Anand Patwardhan, in
his speech titled 'We and Our Nationhood Redefined' - which was a memorial
lecture at the editors guild - had thrown light on the 'development model'
of Modi and shown glimpse of what was in store for the Indian people.

Perhaps it would be opportune here to quote his observations then about the
unfolding nature of these developments. Please allow me a longish quote
from his important speech to share with you ( (
http://patwardhan.com/?page_id=2640))

...[H]anding over common resources by interlinking of rivers, mining
projects and disinvestment corroborated by the stock market is not enough.
The ideology must sink roots. The Gujarat State Standard VIII th Social
Science Textbook of 2013 in it’s 8th Chapter of ‘Our Economy’ is evidence
of the pervasive ideas of Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation
as panacea for

are touted as victory all the problems our country faces today.

Consumer rights are showcased, a few individual cases of poor girls and
boys making it to an IIT of a just system, while on the other hand
mechanisms and policies pertaining to food distribution, education, health
care are deliberately downgraded and withdrawn. The idea that the Welfare
State has failed its citizens is sold through the mechanism of the Public
Private Partnership, to pave the way for the take-over of public assets by
private interests. In this scenario a rags to riches story is the icing on
a cake that few will actually taste. Modi’s triumph as a chaiwala’s boy
becoming the PM fits the bill.

The current regime is in place to rapidly subsume any and all citizen’s
rights at a faster pace than what the UPA could manage. Assurances of rapid
environmental clearances for mega projects, weakening safeguards in the
Land Acquisition Act, withdrawal of the Gram Sabha’s right to decide the
fate of mega-projects by the Ministry of Environment and Forests, handing
over large tracts of reserved forest land to corporates like Adani,
amending the Coastal Regulation Zone to allow coastal lands to fall into
the hands of builders, promoting the production of petrol and diesel driven
consumer cars and expanding the already vast network of expensive highways
and flyovers, increasing the Foreign Direct Investment in Defense and
Retail, accompanied by the dismantling of elements of welfare like the
withdrawal of free medicines in Maharashtra merely two days after the new
BJP government is sworn in and the alarmingly high rate of malnutrition in
the model State of Gujarat – these are a few symptoms of a phenomenon
reminiscent of the close embrace between Hitler’s Germany and the
mega-business of his day.

It will be around a year shortly when these observations were shared with
the wider public and looking back one can see the new pace acquired by the
government in implementing these policies which further marginalise the
already marginalised and poor. *Acche Din *promised to all are really here
but for the moneybags and the corporates.

3

Gone are the days when the 2002 riots and the growing normalisation of
brutality had infuriated a section of the leading capitalists who had
expressed their disapproval of the ambience in the state, today as everyone
can see all of them have fallen in line and there is complete change of
scene. A recap of statements issued by leaders of industry then would
rather seem unbelievable today. Here is an example which is worth sharing :

*What is happening there and the way the situation is being handled is
definitely not right. These kinds of things are bound to have a negative
impact on investment climate in Gujarat and the country as a whole.*

-- Sanjiv Goenka, president, Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), quoted
in a report, ‘Industry hurt, but does not moan’, in The Asian Age, April 4,
2002

*Internationally, we have lost our name as a secular country. I am ashamed
to have seen this in our century. The chief minister must take
responsibility and resign. If the powers in Delhi are supporting him, it is
unacceptable. If politicians have prevented the police from doing their
duties, it cannot be tolerated. Some heads have to roll.*

 -- Deepak Parekh, chairman, HDFC and an industry leader, in The Times of
India, March 26, 2002.

All that is *passe*.

There is no denying the fact that the corporates must be feeling vindicated
that they made a right choice when they decided to project Mr Modi as
future PM way back in 2009 itself when the western world had closed their
doors before him or investigations were still on under a Special
Investigating Team constituted under the directions of the Supreme Court to
look into his alleged role in the infamous carnage of 2002.

In his write-up 'How Mr Modi's voodoo economics will twist India's destiny'
(
http://www.dailyo.in/politics/modi-government-reforms-capitalism-reagan-free-market-voodoo-economics/story/1/6615.html)
Prof Amitabh Bhattacharya writes

..[T]oday, the country can "rightfully" qualify for the dubious distinction
of having the biggest divide between the haves and have-nots. While a
sizeable number of Indians belong to the group of world's richest
individuals, the country is also home to world's largest number of most
impoverished people.

Owners of capital are creating wealth for themselves at a much faster rate
than the growth of the economy. Without any progressive wealth tax the
economic inequality in India is obviously set to increase even faster. The
Modi government even removed wealth tax in the 2015-16 budget...

Rise and further rise of Gautam Adani, is rather symptomatic of the
closeness of the corporate honchos to the government. Perhaps it is for the
first time in independent India's around seventy years journey that a
particular Corporate leader seem to be accompanying the PM on every foreign
trip.

In New York, Adani sat in the audience as Modi addressed the United
Nations, and he visited Japan, Australia and France at the same time as the
prime minister. He was with the prime minister in Brazil, according to the
Hindustan Times, and he visited Bhutan with Modi, according to World Trade
Scanner. The company denied both news reports.

Adani, 52, has traveled with Modi in the past year more than any other
billionaire, helping him emerge as the most prominent face of India Inc. to
the wider world. His wealth has more than quadrupled since Modi announced
his candidacy in September 2013, the biggest gain among the country’s
elite.

(
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-05-27/meet-the-billionaire-trotting-the-globe-with-indian-leader-modi
)

Gone also are the days when a section of RSS leadership led by the likes of
Dattopant Thegadi had played 'spoilsport' during NDA I regime led by
Vajpayee, under the vague 'Swadeshi' concerns, today under a new leadership
RSS has decided to support the same policies which it had earlier opposed -
which would further marginalise the already exploited, oppressed - in
return for a promise that they would like the government move ahead on
their 'cultural agenda'. One very well knows that cultural agenda is
another euphemism for carving out a Hindu Rashtra out of a
plural/secular/democratic India.

For laypersons the unfolding picture is bit difficult to comprehend where
yesterdays 'Swadeshi' loving *Pracharaks* and *Swayamsevaks* have turned
into master salesperson to showcase India and are busy giving red carpet
treatment to *desi-videsi *corporates. BJP which had maintained strange
ambivalence about the economic policies of the government when in
opposition is rushing to embrace them projecting to the outside world that
they have been the original liberalisers. It is also bit incomprehensible
to the ordinary people how the corporate bosses of the country and from
outside are ready to digest peddling of mythology as science and history.

It was not for nothing that there was little consternation in the media or
even among the articulate sections of our society when Modi - while
dedicating a hospital in Mumbai (25 th October 2014) - had said that
plastic surgery and genetic science existed and were in use thousands of
years ago in ancient India. For him it was how the Hindu god Ganesh’s
elephant head became attached to a human body, and how a warrior god was
born outside his mother’s womb.

*“We can feel proud of what our country achieved in medical science at one
point of time. We all read about Karna in Mahabharat. If we think a little
more, we realise that Mahabharat says Karna was not born from his mother’s
womb. This means that genetic science was present at that time. That is why
Karna could be born outside his mother’s womb…..We worship Lord Ganesh.
There must have been some plastic surgeon at that time who got an
elephant’s head on the body of a human being and began the practice of
plastic surgery.”*

This speech which should have received widespread condemnation because it
contravened Article 51(A) of the Constitution which 'stresses on scientific
temper' and emphasises 'inculcation of the same as a fundamental duty of
every citizen', was little reported in the media and despite the presence
of leading corporates, doctors, scientists and many other celebrities, it
did not generate any discusssion outside as well.Despite a clear indication
that it illustrated how Hindu nationalist views were moving to centre stage
now that the BJP was in power, it did not cause any commotion.

Corporate bosses were wise enough to understand that retrogade social views
which peddle a strange cocktail of mythology and science and polarising
actions can peacefully coexist with logic of capital which was for them the
essence of the much tommed tommed 'Gujarat Model' which was to be extended
to the whole of the country now.

4.

In fact as far as corporate interests are concerned, which today manifests
themselves in the model of neoliberalism unfolding here, fascination for
Hindu nationalism, Hindutva or similar exclucivist ideologies is mere
coincidental. The primary concern is to serve logic of capital which
subsists on profits. To put it bluntly, neoliberalism which is basically
'capitalism with its gloves off' has demonstrated that it has tremendous
flexibility and can operate under spectrum of circumstances, ranging from a
monarchy to a model of liberal democracy. History bears witness to the fact
that Chile's dictator Pinochet executed it through coercive violence -
which was the first 'great experiment at neoliberal state formation'
whereas Margaret Thatcher achieved it through the organisation of
democratic consent.

As a recap one can see that in Chile the bloody 'Pinochet coup' - which
overthrew an elected Socialist government led by Salvador Allende - was
executed along

'free mkt lines, privatisation of public assets, opening up natural
resources for pvt exploitation and facilitating fdi and free trade,
guaranteeing of the right of repatriation of profits of foreign companies,
and favouring of export led growth over import substitution'

According to David Harvey it definitely led to

'short term revival of the Chilean economy in terms of growth rates,
capital accumulation and high rates of return on foreing investments,
provided evidence to turn to more neoliberal policies in Britain and US'

and thus

'a brutal experiment executed in the periphery became a model for
formulation of policies at the centre'

For some 'neoliberalism was from the very beginning an attempt to restore
class power to the richest strata of population.' (Dumeneil and Levy )
Perhaps a look at status of inequality and its dynamic nature in India can
throw light on this proposition.

'The Hindu' had done a story last year to look at 'India’s staggering
wealth gap' (Updated: December 8, 2014 11:06 IST,
http://www.thehindu.com/data/indias-staggering-wealth-gap-in-five-charts/article6672115.ece)
and posed a few questions to itself 'how does inequality in India really
look? How much share does the country’s poorest 10 per cent have in its
total wealth, how much does the richest have , and are the rich getting
richer?'

...[W]e’ve been able to answer some of these questions from new estimates
that came out of Credit Suisse’s Global Wealth Databook 2014.

For one, the difference in the wealth share held by India’s poorest 10 per
cent and the richest 10 per cent is enormous; India’s richest 10 per cent
holds 370 times the share of wealth that it’s poorest hold.

India’s richest 10 per cent have been getting steadily richer since 2000,
and now hold nearly three-quarters of total wealth.

India’s 1 per centers – its super-rich – have been getting richer even
faster. In the early 2000s, India’s top 1 per cent held a lower of share of
India’s total wealth than the world’s top 1 per cent held of its total
wealth. That changed just before and after the global recession – though
the world’s super-rich are recovering - and India’s top 1% holds close to
half of the country’s total wealth.

On the flip side (as far as capital is concerned) this neoliberal model has
resulted in unprecedented social polarisation accompanied by fierce social
and class struggles worldwide. As discussed in a book edited by Rebecca
Fischer ( Corpwatch)

"The pauperising effects unleashed by globalisation have generated social
conflicts and political crises that the system is now finding it more and
more difficult to contain. The slogan 'we are 99 per cent' grows out of the
reality that global inequalities and pauperisation have intensified
enormously since capitalist globalisation took off in the 1980s. Broad
swaths of humanity have experienced absolute downward mobility in recent
decades. Even the IMF was forced to admit in a 2000 report that "in recent
decades, nearly one-fifth of the world's population has regressed. This is
arguably one of the greatest economic failures of the 20 th century."

(Quoted in 'Infopack' : Capitalism and Democracy, PEACE, 2015, Page 78)

In this backdrop if someone offers capital a less troublesome, less violent
trajectory, only a fool would refuse it. Looking back all the talk of
'policy paralysis' under UPA II regime was basically dithering of the
powers that be then to 'keep pace with the ever-increasing demands of
resource capturing corporates'. And the Modi's advent offered a break.

It was not for nothing that leading American magazine 'Forbes' compared
business friendly Modi with Reagan - ex President of US under whom the
economy there took a decisive neoliberal turn. An article published in its
August issue ( 2014) was titled 'Republican thinks India's Narendra Modi is
New Reagan'

5

Religion is regarded by the common people as true, by wise people as false
and by the rulers as useful

-Seneca (4 BC-AD65)

A section of people tend to call the present situation within the country
as 'undeclared emergency'.

At the level of rhetoric one may not raise a point but if one goes into
details the differences are obvious.

Internal emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi regime rekindles memories of
the draconian period in Independent India's trajectory, which connotes a
situation when there was some external imposition by the state power then
when democratic rights were suspended, when there was censorship of the
media, when thousands of political activists were put behind bars.

But it is a fact that it could never gain legitimacy from the people. Once
Ms Indira Gandhi declared elections, the united opposition could easily
overwhelm the Grand Old Party of Indian politics for the first time in
Independent India, riding on the people's anger/disenchantment against the
regime.

Today's situation is qualitatively different, formally there is no
imposition, neither there exists any curbs on the media, nor there is
formal ban on organisations but despite this one can perceive hollowing out
of democracy slowly or its metamorphosis into majoritarianism.

If the hollowing out of democracy under internal emergency where it was
substituted/replaced by authoritarianism faced resistance of the people,
this second hollowing out has been disturbingly aided and abetted by people
themselves. It may look and sound ironic but there have been
occasions/periods in history where people have stood against their own
interests.

We, who have gathered here and definitely seek a better world, more humane,
more caring, more egalitarian, which can transcend the twin challenges of
neoliberalism and Hindutva, need to ponder over this hegemony of such ideas
over minds of people, which are detrimental to their long term interests.

There are many questions which demand answers, many issues which need to be
understood. The consent of the people towards this regime is a real thing.
We can't wish away by saying that they received support of mere 31 per cent
of the electorate. The failure of the opposition - from the Congress to the
various shades of the left including the people's movements in the country
- in combatting this ascent is a fact which should be studied closely.

6

It is important to note that ascent of Modi and rise of illiberal and
majoritarian voices in this part of South Asia cannot be considered an
exception. It is really a strange coincidence that while we are debating
ascendance of Hindutva Right here, situation in this part of South Asia
looks very similar where majoritarian forces owing allegiance to a
particular religion or ethnicity seem to be on the upswing. Myanmar,
Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Pakistan, you name a country and find
democratic forces being pushed to the margins and majoritarian voices
gaining new voices and strength.

Not very many people would have imagined that people claiming themselves
followers of Buddha – who is considered apostle of non-violence – would
metamorphose into perpetrators of tremendous human rights violations in
Myanmar. It was only last year that ‘Guardian’ had done a special story on
the Burmese monk Wirathu – called ‘Bin Laden of Burma’ – who with his 2,500
follower monks has become a dreaded name in the country, instigating
Buddhist fanatics to attack Muslims. The plight of Rohingya Muslims has
become a cause of international concern. The military in Myanmar has
provided tacit support to him or others of his ilk.

Or, come to Sri Lanka, few months back the Bondu Bala Sena(BBS) started by
Buddhist monks had reached headlines for attacking Muslims and causing loss
of property and human lives. Since the suppression of the Tamil militancy
the Sinhala extremist forces – which has enough sprinkling of Buddhist
monks – with due connivance of the Rajpakshe government has discovered ‘new
enemies’. If Muslims are target number one, Christians and Hindus are not
far behind. .

Or you go to Bangladesh or reach neighbouring Pakistan where you find
Islamist forces trying to play havoc with the lives of ‘others’. It is true
that because of a strong tradition of secular movement, situation is still
under control in B’desh but Pakistan seems to be bursting at its seams
where various fanatic groups with their violenct acts against the ‘others’
– ranging from the Ahmadiyas, Shias, Hazaras, Hindus etc – have created a
situation of implosion.

What is noticeable in this picture is that

- Perpetrator community changes as you cross the national borders. In fact,
one finds a reversal of roles. Perpetrator community on this side of the
border metamorphoses into victim community on the other side of the border.
In Burma, Buddhist seem to be the perpetrators and Muslims seem to be at
the receiving end, in B’desh there is reversal of roles and likewise in
other countries of the region.

-It is disturbing to note in such a volatile situation one type of
fanaticism feeds on the other. Buddhist extremists in Myanmar strengthen
Islamists in B’desh and they further add strenght to the Hindutva
supremacists here. If the first half of 20 th century this area has been
witness to anti-colonial struggles which had strengthened each other’s
emancipatory aspirations, in the first quarter of 21 st century we all have
been witness to explosion of majoritarian movements trying to put all the
achievements of democracy and secularism on the backburner.

And there are reports that different types of alliances are coming up
between them

One can look at the words of appreciation expressed by then RSS leader (and
now ‘loaned’ to BJP ) Ram Madhav about the Bondu Bala Sena sometime back in
this connection and also attempts by the Buddhist extremists to make a
common cause with Hindutva Supremacists to form a 'peace zone' against the
'common enemy' (read Islam)

BODU BALA SENA - A NEW BUDDHIST MOVEMENT IN SRI LANKA

Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) - a Buddhist organisation many wish to call as Right
or Ultra Right - is a new phenomenon in Sri Lanka. One may prefer to brand
them in any manner one would like to. But the fact remains that this new
outfit is slowly growing in stature and popular support in the country's
Buddhist-dominated areas...

So far, the issues raked up by the BBS are worthy of active and sympathetic
consideration…

- Ram Madhav

(https://www.facebook.com/RSSRamMadhav/posts/143374722500049)

Attempts to coordinate activities against a 'common enemy' namely Islam had
received a boost when the infamous Wirathu visited Sri Lanka last year and
a proposal was put forward by Wirathu and BBS jointly seeking RSS nod to
form what they called a "Peace Zone"

..The time has come to ally internationally,” Galagodaththe Gnanasara, the
leader of the radical Sri Lankan Buddhist group Bodu Bala Sena, announced
at a convention held in Colombo last month. The guest of honor was Ashin
Wirathu, a Buddhist radical whose picture Time magazine put on its July 1
cover as “The Face of Buddhist Terror.” The government of Prime Minister
Mahinda Rajapaksa ignored pleas by Sri Lankan Muslim and Christian civil
groups, fearful of more anti-Muslim violence in their country, to deny Mr.
Wirathu a visa. Granting Mr. Wirathu a visa can only reinforce the fears of
many Muslims that the government — and perhaps more powerful regional
allies — back Bodu Bala Sena, which translates as Buddhist Power Force.

Last week, Mr. Gnanasara claimed he was in discussions “at a high level”
with the right-wing Indian Hindu group Rashtriya Swayam Sevak to form what
he called a “Hindu-Buddhist peace zone” in South Asia. A Rashtriya Swayam
Sevak spokesman, Ram Madhav, promptly denied that there were any such
discussions. But Mr. Madhav, now general secretary of India’s governing
Bharatiya Janata Party, has written comments sympathetic to Bodu Bala Sena
and Mr. Wirathu’s group 969 in Myanmar on his Facebook and Twitter accounts.

(
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/16/opinion/deadly-alliances-against-muslims.html
)

One can as well deliberate over the economic agenda of the different rulers
in our neighbourhood and you will discover that it is essentially
neoliberal.

Looking at developments in India and the rest of South Asia, a picture may
emerge that the world today is mere theatre of the rise of illiberal ideas
and emergence of anti-human politics with people being turned into mere
spectators. It has never been the case now and has never been the case
earlier also.

Today as we fight to save sanity in public life - with our back to the wall
- and confront the lynch mobs who want to weed out every 'other' from
amongst our midst, it is heartwarming to see thousands and thousands of
people in Europe holding demonstrations to welcome refugges from Syria and
pressuring their own governments to change its rules.

Today as we contemplate strategies to challenge neoliberalism, one is
witness to similar voices gaining upper hand at least in people's
imagination in many countries of the west, the emergence of Jeremy Corbyn
in Britain or socialist Bernie Sanders in US primaries is worth watching.

7

What does future hold for us who live in India ?

Whether India would emerge as the new economic superpower of the 21 st
Century as claimed by the rulers and their *Bhakts* n cheerleaders or it
will move towards another crude version of what Nehru, the first Prime
Minister of India use to call 'Hindu Pakistan'. It was Nehru only who could
foresee how communalism of the majority presents itself as nationalism in a
multi-religious country and can one day overwhelm the state.

As an aside let us remind ourselves Dr Ambedkar's caution at any such
eventuality.

“If Hindu Raj becomes a reality then it would be greatest menace to this
country. Whatever may Hindus say, actually it does not make a difference
that Hinduism is a danger to Independence, Equality and Brotherhood. Thus
it is an enemy of democracy. We should make all out efforts to stop Hindu
Raj from becoming a reality.”

( Pakistan or Partition of India, Page 358)

Situation here looks really grim.

Today we have before us an India where (to quote Prof Achin Vanaik)

 ‘..[t]he centre of gravity has shifted perhaps decisively to the right, in
three crucial spheres : economy, secularism and democracy.’

What can be done to halt this decisive turn to the right ?

What should be done so that struggle against communalism, struggle for
secularism and democracy and equity receives a new boost.

We need to remember that this struggle has not only national but
regional/asian significance. It does not need recounting how developments
here affects developments in neighbouring countries. One can recall the
period when for the first time Hindutva Supremacists reached echelons of
power here under NDA I, that was the period when Islamists who have been
dominating social life since quite some time in neighbouring Pakistan won
elections in two provinces for the first time after independence.

Or, how the ascendance of Islamists in B’desh as well as Pakistan and the
growing Wahabbisation of Islam/Muslims - thanks to what Pervez Hoodbhoy
calls ‘Saudisation’ of Pakistan - has impacted social/political life of
Muslims here.

And it would not be out of place here to underline that if secularism is
able to retrieve lost ground here, neoliberal agenda is put on the
defensive in these countries, then it would have a very positive impact on
other neighbouring countries also.

As already mentioned if our adversary seems to be walking on two legs -
balancing its committments towards neoliberal agenda and the 'cultural
politics' on the other, then we cannot  just focus on one aspect, we will
have to strategise to target both the 'legs' in more creative manner
perhaps in a multipronged move. One understands that there will be
overlapping here and there but we need to move ahead with a new vision,
strength and determination.

8**

It is time to envision a better future for India and also the world.

People of India who are exploited by the logic of capital and are oppressed
by age old structures, practices and customs that make up Indian society,
culture and civilisation definitely deserve a better future. How can they
achieve it which would not only make them masters of all they create and
give every one of them equal dignity and freedom.

Undoubtedly fighting neoliberalism - which is essentially capitalism of our
age , under a bourgeois democratic state and Challenging the 'cultural
politics' of the right in a society which has deeply entrenched pre-modern
socio-cultural civilizational structures is not going to be an easy task.
As of now we can easily see the enormity of challenge and the complexity of
the situation which awaits us.

We need to carve out a strategy appropriate to our times to carry forward
the struggle.

And we also need to think about the question of agency - who is going to
take up the gauntlet on behalf of the masses. Who would be the new Davids
who would confront the Goliaths of our times ? Would it be some ensemble of
social movements or a motley combination of anti-system political
formations or a reinvigorated and a reenergised revolutionary left in
alliance with various people's movements ?

My humble understanding is that left of a new kind - which does not believe
in merely copying past revolutions and which is ready to reenvision a
socialist future and keen about an ideological-theoretical-strategic
reorientation - will play an important role in any such unfolding struggle.
This emergent revolutionary left will have to realise that lessons and
strategies of earlier revolutions cannot become a lodestar for future
unheavals, coming transformations. It will have to bear in mind that the
next big revolution, wherever it takes place, would be the first revolution
of its kind which is directed against capitalism and some type of bourgeois
democratic state.

Would it be possible for us to sketch a broad outline of the shape of the
transformatory, revolutionary politics which is arising out of the
contemporary reality faced by us. A reality carved out by neoliberal
capitalist exploitation and plunder and the politics of 'us' versus 'them'
which is the basis of any type of communal politics.

Perhaps there is need to begin the conversation about it with an open mind.
My understanding is that we need to chalk out our tentative understanding
in broadly five-six areas : economy, basic services like health and
education, attempts to turn natural resources into assets for big capital,
emancipation from social structures and practices which violate rights of
dignity, separation between state and religion and secularisation of public
space.

To resist and defeat neoliberal policies - especially privatisation -
workers will have to be organised and they will have to be prepared so that
if need arises then they can even lay claim to the running of the
enterprise. Workers should be ready not only to participate effectively in
the management but also claim share in the surplus.

Workers in the informal sectors of the economy, including agriculture will
have to join hands to demand guarantees from the state of employment and
humane wages, small producers will have to be organised to experiment
various forms of cooperatives and collectives

Look at the pittance which is allocated for two important sectors - health
and education - which has led us to a situation where we are one of those
countries where privatisation of health services has reached pinnacle and
conscious dismantling of state supported education has taken place. Fight
against neoliberalism here would mean eliminate market and logic of capital
from them and compel the state to provide for these services.

Should not we challenge and launch massive struggles against predatory big
capital which is busy appropriating public assets - land, water, minerals,
forests and demand that the state formulate policies so that such takeovers
do not take place

Struggle against communalisms of various kinds - majority as well as
minority - would be incomplete if struggle for secularism and
secularisation of public space is not taken up with equal vigour .
Similarly struggles against social, cultural, traditional, religious
practices -especially caste, gender should be taken up in right earnest.

Violation of democratic rights and civil liberties at the hands of state
actors and non-state actors has become norm of the day. India which claims
to be the biggest democratic country is also one of those countries which
rank higher in matters of custodial violence and deaths. And most
disturbing thing is that such violence gets jusified and legitimised at
various levels.

Let me once again admit that these are tentative proposals and they are
open for debate.

I am sure that we can have a very vibrant conversation around these themes
and possibly will be able to move forward towards a consensus.

Let me stop here. Revolutionary Greetings to you all once again for a
successful conference.

***



(*. The sixth conference of Human Rights Forum was held in Adoni, Kurnool,
A.P. from 10-11 th October 2015.

Human Rights Forum (HRF) was formed in October 1998 with a strong
understanding that violation or denial of rights arises in all situations
of structured oppression and inequality and the democratic aspirations
arising from all such situations, and resistance to such oppression,
whether organized or not, whether collective or isolated, are equally
important for the Rights movement: theoretically, practically and
organizationally. (http://humanrightsforum.org/hrf/)

** freely excerpted from the documents of the founding conference of 'New
Socialist Initiative')

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