*Dated: August 24, 2017*


*LS Herdenia*

Although the BJP and Sangh Parivar celebrating Talaq judgment of Supreme
Court and claiming credit for liberating Muslim women from the male
dominating Muslim society. But there was no evidence that they took any
initiative for empowering Hindu women. On the contrary they took every
possible step to stall a major initiative taken by our first Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nahru and our first law minister Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.

It may be recalled that a draft Hindu code bill was introduced in the
constituent assembly which incorporated several measures to empower Hindu
women including right to divorce. The moment they came to know the contents
of the bill RSS with the cooperation of other likeminded organisations
launched a vicious campaign against Nehru and Ambedkar. What that campaign
was and how they maligned both great leaders is described by eminent
historian Ram Chandra Guha in his book "India After Gandhi". Relevant
contents from the book are being reproduced here –

Outside the Assembly the cries against the bill grew louder. Already in
March 1949 an All-India Anti-Hindu-Code-Bill Committee had been formed.
This held that that the Constituent Assembly has 'no right to interfere
with the personal laws of Hindus which are based on Dharma Shastras'.

The Anti-Hindu-Code-Bill Committee was supported by conservative lawyers as
well as by conservative clerics. The influential Shankaracharya of Dwarka
issue an 'encyclical' against the proposed code. Religion, he said, 'is the
noblest light, inspiration and support of men, and the State's highest duty
is to protect it'.

The Anti-Hindu-Code-Bill Committee held hundreds of meetings throughout
India, where sundry swamis denounced the proposed legislation. The
participants in this movement presented themselves as religious warriors
*(dharmaveer)* fighting a religious war *(dharmayudh)*. The Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh threw its weight behind the agitation. On 11 December
1949, the RSS organized a public meeting at the Ram Lila grounds in Delhi,
where speaker after speaker condemned the bill. One called it 'an atom bomb
on Hindu society'. Another likened it to the draconian Rowlatt Act
introduced by the colonial state; just as the protests against that act led
to the downfall of the British, he said, the struggle against this Bill
would signal the downfall of Nehru's government. The next day a group of
RSS workers marched on the Assembly buildings, shouting 'Down with Hindu
code bill' and 'May Pandit Nehru perish'. The protesters burnt effigies of
the prime minister and Dr Ambedkar, and then vandalized the car of Sheikh
Abdullah.

The leader of the movement against the new bill was one Swami Karpatriji
Maharaj. We know little of this swami's antecedents, except that he was
from north India and appeared to be knowledgeable in Sanskrit. His
opposition to the Bill was coloured and deepened by the fact that it was
being piloted by Ambedkar. He made pointed references to the law minister's
caste, suggesting that a former Untouchable had no business meddling in
matters normally the preserve of the Brahmins.

In speeches in Delhi and elsewhere, Swami Karpatri challenged Ambedkar to a
public debate on his interpretations of the Shastras. To the law minister's
claim that the Shastras did not really favour polygamy, Swami Karpatri
quoted Yagnavalkya: 'if the wife is a habitual drunkard, a confirmed
invalid, a cunning, a barren or a spendthrift woman, if she is
bitter-tongued, if she has got only daughters and no son, if she hates her
husband, [then] the husband can marry a second wife even while the first is
living.' The swami supplied the precise citation for this injunction: the
third verse of the third chapter of the third section of Yagnavalkya's
*smriti* (scripture) concerning marriage. He did not, however, tell us
whether the injunction also allowed the wife to take another husband if the
existing one was a drunkard, bitter-tongued, a spend-thrift, etc.

For Swami Karpatri, divorce was prohibited in Hindu tradition, while 'to
allow adoption of a boy of any caste is to defy the Shastras and to defy
property'. Even by the most liberal interpretations, the woman's
inheritance was limited to one-eighth, not a half as Ambedkar sought to
make it. The bill was altogether in violation of the Hindu scriptures. It
had already evoked 'terrible opposition', and the government could push it
through only at its peril. The swami issued a dire warning: 'As is clearly
laid down in the Dharmashastras, to forcibly defy the laws of God and
Dharma very often means great harm to the Government and the country and
both bitterly rue the obstinate folly.'

Of course, not all Hindus were of the liberal party either. The
reservations of the orthodox, as expressed in Parliament, were carried
forward in the streets by the cadres of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
They brought batches of volunteers into New Delhi, to shout slogans against
the Hindu Code Bill and court arrest. Among their larger aims were the
dismemberment of Pakistan and the unseating of Jawaharlal Nehru – as they
shouted, 'Pakistan tod do', 'Nehru Hakumat Chhod Do'.

The main speaker at these RSS-organized shows was usually Swami Karpatriji
Maharaj. Addressing a meeting on 16 September 1951, the swami challenged
the prime minister to a debate on the proposed bill. 'If Pandit Nehru and
his colleagues succeed in establishing that even one section of the
proposed Hindu Code is in accordance with the Shastras', said Karpatri, 'I
shall accept the entire Hindu Code'. The next day, in pursuance of this
challenge, the swami and his followers marched on Parliament. The police
prevented them from entering. In the ensuing scuffle, reported a Hindu
weekly, 'police pushed them back [and] Swamiji's *danda* [stick] was
broken, which is like the sacred thread, [the] religious emblem of the
sannyasis.'

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