*New Socialist Initiative Condemns Hindutva Engineered and Inspired
Atrocities on Dalits*

Hardly a day passes without headline news of some or another atrocity on
Dalits. On 24 May, a Dalit man in the Ahmedabad district was beaten and his
house attacked by a gang of socalled ‘upper’ caste men after he had
attached Sinh to his name on his facebook post.  On 21 May a dalit
ragpicker was beaten to death in a Rajkot factory. Atrocities on Dalits are
occurring in the midst of a public ideological environment against them. On
26 May news came of a private school in Delhi asking 8th class students to
write a note on how reservations help undeserving and unqualified people
for their summer vacation homework.  According to National Crime Record
Bureau reports for recent years, between 10 to 15 thousand cases of crimes
are reported under the Prevention of Atrocities act every year; an average
of 35 crimes per day. Many times more crimes actually go unreported. In
2016 Indian courts had over 45 thousand cases under this act. Out of the
4048 cases decided, conviction occurred in 659 cases only. That is, five
out of six cases of atrocity against Dalits did not result in any
punishment. The number of attacks against one of the weakest and the
poorest sections of the society, and the abysmal rate of conviction would
put any civilized society to shame, but India chugs along.



Humiliation and physical assaults on the body of Dalits have been a
structural feature of the Hindu caste society for thousands of years. Under
the enlightened and steadfast leadership of Ambedkar, Dalits managed to get
civil rights and affirmative action in the Constitution of India. The Hindu
caste society has however carried a grudge against such provisions.
Representations of Dalits in state bureaucracy and higher education have
always been less than one half to one third of constitutional provisions.
Actually, reservations produced a prison house for Dalits to remain within
the Hindu fold. Up to nineteen eighties even when they converted to
Buddhism, they lost all reservation benefits. Nevertheless, till the
political successes of the BJP under Mr Modi, the moral weight of Dalit
struggles for their rights meant that post-independence Indian state did
not actively participate in their oppression. This is changing now.



The central and state governments under the BJP have specifically targeted
autonomous Dalit youth who challenge Hindu caste hierarchy openly without
fear. This was the line of attack on Rohith Vemula and his comrades at HCU
and Ambedkar Periyar Study Circle of IIT Madras. The most vicious attack
has been launched against the Bhim Army of Western UP, whose leader
Chandrasekhar Azad has been booked in case after case under the NSA and put
in prison by the shameless Yogi government, despite Allahabad High Court
quashing many cases against him. In Maharashtra Fadnavis government is
hesitant to act against attackers on Bheema Koregaon gathering of Dalits,
yet it has initiated cases against organizers of Elgaar Parishad meeting in
Pune where RSS-BJP were declared ‘new Peshwai’, the most debauched form of
Brahmanical rule. Another round of oppression has visited Dalit youth after
2 April protests against dilution of prevention of atrocities act by
Supreme Court. Following these protests the dominant rural castes in
Rajasthan, MP and UP have physically assaulted Dalit youth and their
neighborhoods, with silent encouragement of the police. Thousands of Dalit
youth have been booked and arrested. The district chief for Muzaffarnagar
of Bhim Army has been arrested under NSA. Needelss to say, the systematic
attacks on radical Dalits, and running down of legal provisions have
emboldened the criminal lumpen base of Hindutva in cow vigilante groups,
Bajrang Dal and Hindu Yuva vahini to attack ordinary Dalits. This is also
contributing to creating an environment in which middle class professionals
from ‘upper’ caste Hindus feel no hesitation in circulating manifestly
anti-Dalit propaganda on social media.

BJP governments in Center and states also seem to be systematically
conniving to dilute existing provisions of affirmative action and legal
protection to Dalits. Officials of the Modi government acted most dubiously
in the case that led to dilution of provisions of prevention of atrocities
act. Additional Solicitor General is on court records to have said this act
is being misused. Modi govt did not file a review petition immediately.
Governments of Chhatisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan showed unseemly
haste in implementing the court order, depriving Dalits of essential legal
protection. Another area in which BJP government is eager to dilute legal
provisions for the benefit of Dalits is in appointments to universities.
UGC has passed orders that the basis of reservation roster will be
departments rather than university. Following this the advertisement for 52
faculty posts at Indira Gandhi National Tribal University in MP had only
one reserved post. Government of India needs to urgently bring in an
ordinance to overrule Supreme Court decision in this regard. But Modi
administration is sitting pretty.



Brahmanism is the core of Hindutva. It has however been adapted to the
requirements of modern electoral politics.  Hindutva is following a double
pronged policy vis a vis Dalits. On the one hand are symbolic gestures;
making a Dalit the president, and routinisied ceremonial appropriation of
Ambedkar. On the other, legal and illegal state power and lumpen street
power is being used against radical Dalit groups. As is well known Hindutva
is a political project to build a political community of Hindus without any
internal reforms. This programme became the political common sense of
savarna caste Hindus after Congress failed to contain the upsurge of the
locally dominant peasant castes, many of them Shudras in the Hindu
hierarchy, around the Mandal programme of social justice. These castes had
used democratization of caste in electoral politics to successfully assert
their claim. Before this, the majority of savarna castes were aligned with
the nation-building project of Congress.  Their switchover to Hindutva
however would not have given RSS-BJP the political success they enjoy.
Their genius lies in turning the fragmentation principle of caste against
its democratization. Basically, any group which mobilises itself
politically as a caste, also alienates other castes.  Through blatant
misuse of mass religiosity of Hindus, and ground level organisational work,
RSS-BJP have managed to bring in sections of lower OBCs (left out of the
political successes of dominant rural OBCs) and some Dalit castes within
their fold. This has created a voting block under the ideological hegemony
of savarna castes.



A radical Dalit who questions the very foundations of Hindu caste order on
the basis of principles of Equality and Freedom, is a moral and political
anathema to Hindutva project.  Attacks on Dalits, and sinister plans to
dilute provisions of protection to Dalits and affirmative action are
revolting to all citizens with democratic consciousness. It assaults their
sense of a just society. However, it is also necessary to understand the
political game plan of Hindutva. As Ambedkar showed in his Annihilation of
Caste, Hindu society can never be democratic as long as it is caste ridden.
For democracy to take sustainable roots in India, it is essential that
caste is confronted without any compromise. Its ideology which divides
humans in hierarchy, its supporting  practices  in religious rituals, and
its everyday practices which are taken as normal (for instance keeping
separate set of utensils for maids and servants in households) need to be
challenged. Electoral understandings between opposition parties may locally
or nationally defeat the RSS-BJP in elections. However, as long as the
socio-political basis of Hindutva success persists, any victory against it
will be short lived.

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