Public statement on the suicide of Dr Payal Tadvi in a Mumbai hospital

(People’s Alliance for Democracy and Secularism)
Press Release
05.06.2019

Dr PayalTadvi, an Adivasi Muslim from one of the most backward tribes of
India committed suicide on 22 May in her hostel room in a Mumbai hospital.
She was a  post-graduate resident doctor in the hospital. Many times before
her suicide her mother and husband had given written representations to
the  hospital authorities about the harassment she had been facing from
three of her seniors. According to these complaints her harassers were
using casteist abuses and publicly humiliating her. However, the hospital
took no administrative actions. After her death the hospital’s anti-ragging
committee has reportedly found evidence of harassment, and according to
some newspaper report the police have found evidence of derogatory casteist
remarks.

Dr PayalTadvi’s suicide immediately brings to mind the suicide by Rohith
Vemula in 2015, a PhD scholar at the Hyderabad Central University. Rohith
was a student activist.His organisation had been protesting against the HCU
administration for months before his suicide. Even ministers of the BJP
central government had enquiredif his organisation had been adequately
punished by the university administration after it was involved in a
physical brawl with activists of the ABVP, the student organisation allied
with the ruling party. If the context of Rohith’s suicide was institutional
victimisation of radical dalit youth, Payal’s suicide throws  open a window
to the intimate cruelties suffered by the people of deprived backgrounds
every day. According to her mother when Payal moved in the hospital hostel,
the only cot in the room was already taken by one of her alleged harassers.
Her room-mate, also a doctor would wipe her feet on the mattress on which
Payal slept.Payal was a trained doctor. She had worked in a primary health
center for a year. Yet her modern professional status could not shield her
from what she had to go through.She narrated incidences of her humiliation
only to her immediate family members. They complained to authorities when
they felt she was under serious stress. She died alone, without leaving any
suicide note.

Even seventy years after independence, and a constitution that promises a
life of dignity to every citizen, Dalits, adivasis, and minorities in India
continue to suffer multiple humiliations in their everyday lives.
Appropriate legal provisions are in place. Institutional motivation to
implement these provisions is woefully lacking, as shown in  Payal’s case.
However, even if institutional mechanisms were in place, these can play a
role  only *after* a dalit or an Adivasi has been humiliated, or suffered
an assault. Indians need to identify and root out the conditions which make
many of them abusers and haters of  people from deprived backgrounds.

Indian society remains  a deeply hierarchical and divided society. Its
public sphere, in which people are supposed to be able to interact with
each other without distinctions, is also stamped with hierarchy, so that
there is little respect for a human being for just being a person. The
normalcy of this public is dominated by people from privileged backgrounds.
People from deprived backgrounds always feel marked in this sphere.
Numerous writings by Dalit and Adivasi authors bring it out in painful
detail.  In educational institutions and work environments they are
permanently stamped  with the ‘reservation’ category tag. Most of them are
first generation learners from poor families. They  get to join these
institutions and places of work after numerous hurdles, but their
individual talents are little recognised. Increasingly, Muslims of our
country are also being made to feel the same way.

Institutions of higher learning and government offices reek of a nefarious
discourse on ‘merit’ of the ‘general’ category. This ‘merit’ is supposed to
be measured by marks in entrance exams. But how does one compare the
abilities of a dalit young woman from a rural landless family, who spent
half her time on family chores, went to a dilapidated village school, and
still got admission to an institution of higher learning, with another
person whose upper middle class urban  parents gave him/her education in
expensive private schools, provided comfortable learning environment at
home, and paid for extra tuitions and coaching? Why should only one of them
be considered ‘meritorious’? Why cannot they interact freely in an
environment of  mutual respect?

The policy of reservation in jobs and educational institutions is often
cited as the chief culprit, as if without this policy these places will be
republics of merit.The drafting committee of India’s constitution under the
leadership of Dr Ambedkar adopted reservations as a policy of affirmative
action after serious debate. Reservations have been continued and extended
by democratically elected governments. Citizens have a right to criticize
any government policy, or law. However, no one has a right to humiliate and
abuse anyone, and any effort to show these as ‘reactions’ to a state policy
is pure hypocrisy. These *are * acts of aggression and violence against
people who are vulnerable due to their deprived backgrounds.

PADS calls upon the people of India to seriously question why so many of
them are haters and abusers of people from deprived backgrounds. Why do
people who abuse and commit hate crimes  think they can get away with it?
It is evident that the anti-caste movements have only partially succeeded
in democratising India. The main reason is that the task of making India a
democratic society has never been undertaken by the overwhelming majority
of Indians. Until this happens India will continue to humiliate and harass
people from deprived backgrounds, and destroy bright and sensitive men and
women like Rohith and Payal.

Released by:
Battini Rao, Convenor, PADS (95339 75195) [email protected]

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