Interview: Moscow eyes NATO membership

By ROLAND FLAMINI, UPI International Editor

WASHINGTON, Oct. 4 (UPI) -- Russia is prepared to join a U.S.-led
coalition to fight international terrorism, but would require strong
arguments to continue its support if the United States attacked Iraq, a
senior leading Russian foreign policy specialist said Friday.

In an interview with United Press International, Sergei Karaganov,
chairman of the Presidium of Moscow's Council on Foreign and Defense
Policy, said Russia's interest in being part of the coalition the Bush
administration was trying to create reflected a growing interest in
Moscow in joining NATO.

Karaganov also revealed that the Central Asian republics of Tajikistan
and Uzbekistan had agreed to provide support for a U.S. offensive
against Afghanistan only after Moscow had promised to protect them from
retaliation by Kabul.

Q. What has been the impact in Russia of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks?

A. The overwhelming feelings were compassion and the necessity to help.
Among some older members of the ruling elite there was a feeling of glee
at first, but they were subdued, pushed aside by television and
mainstream journalists.

Q. To what extent will the Russian government cooperate with the Bush
administration's campaign to form an international coalition against
terrorism?

A. At the beginning there were some very grave doubts on the part of
some of the military. They didn't want to get involved in any kind of
operation which could drag us into an Afghanistan situation, or a new
Chechnya -- and there were some inherent anti-American feelings, because
they didn't want Americans to be close to our borders again. But Putin
took the whole thing in his hands, and now there is overall support for
the operation. Of course, there is still a big question what kind of
coalition it will be and what voice in that coalition Russia will
retain.

Q. But the United States will be allowed to use Uzbekistan and
Tagikistan for military operations with Russian approval?

A. Yes, we have approved that. Both countries were very doubtful. They
are exactly on the border (with Afghanistan), and they were extremely
afraid. But Russia supported them -- and they needed the support for the
simple reason that they realize that if the operations go wrong the
Americans will not come to their rescue, and the only place that would
help them was Russia. We keep a large force in Tajikistan to defend that
country from Afghan guerillas and troops.

Q. Is there any likelihood of the Russians taking part in a ground
operation?

A. We got burned so thoroughly in Afghanistan we wouldn't do that. But
we have shared intelligence (with the United States), because we have
vast intelligence networks from previous years -- the old days, and I
understand we have sent our specialists to the United States --
veterans from the Afghan war -- to prepare the Americans on what to
expect.

Q. What do you think will be the long term impact of this situation on
Russian-American relations?

A. At the moment, I think all cards are up in the air. There is a strong
chance that a grand coalition could be formed, with the leadership of
the United States. If the United States goes multi-lateral, and really
takes into account the views and the interests of the other member
countries, there is a growing sentiment in Moscow that Russia should
joint and become part of the coalition. Many in Moscow think that we
should become not only an ad hoc member of the the coalition but a
formal member, and that's why some of us are already openly calling for
membership of NATO.

Q. What is the advantage to Russia to get involved in this U.S.-led
operation?

A. We Russians are sitting on two fences, one is between the poor and
the rich, the other is between the radical Muslim world and the
Christian world, for us it's a possibility to join a coalition of
civilized Western interests. And then, Russia participated very actively
in the earlier coalition put together by the first President Bush. We
didn't send troops to the Gulf, but Russian planes were flying troops to
the area. This first coalition dissolved over differences over
Yugoslavia. This time something more robust could emerge.

Q. Would the United States still be able to count on Russia's support,
if
-- as some people in Washington believe -- the operation does not stop
with Osama bin Laden, but will be expanded and there will be an
offensive against, for example, Iraq?

A. That will depend on (the American) arguments. If the arguments are
plausible, I think we will support them even then. If the Americans can
prove that Saddam Hussein has indeed been supporting terrorism, then we
would remain neutral, but understanding. If however there is no evidence
-- or there is very little evidence -- then we will withhold support
altogether.

Q. You were once quoted as saying that the collapse of Russian communism
challenged the West, and the West failed the challenge. Do you see the
current situation as a historical second chance?

A. Yes, but I'm not sure whether this administration will be able to
grasp that chance. If so, it would be the start of a different history
-- the nucleus of a new world order of civilized nations based on
non-proliferation, the fight against terrorism, and in addition helping
those states that would become members of a grand coalition like India.
China could become a member. The philosophical idea is, help those who
help themselves. We saw what happened in Russia when misplaced help was
delivered. That help was wasted: It prolonged the agony and corrupted
the regime -- not in terms of direct money but in terms of giving the
regime the possibility of doing nothing. We in Russia avoided structural
reforms for almost 10 years: It's only now that we are starting them in
a somewhat different direction.

Q. President Putin has recently been less critical of NATO than in the
past. Does this represent a shift in attitude?

A. Russians very well understand that NATO is becoming the only visible
and viable organization for European security, and it could become more
so if it takes in Russia, because there is no other force. NATO could
become a supplement to the U.N., the armed hand of the U.N., if it
includes Russia.

Q. Are you envisioning Russia as a full member of NATO?

A. I'm talking -- and quite a few other people are talking -- about full
membership. It could be full membership French style initially. (France
participates at the political level, but not militarily.)

Q. What realistic time table would you see for Russian membership, and
between now and then what is Russia's attitude going to be to expansion.
If there are clear signs of Russian entry in the future, would Russian
objection to expansion dissolve?

A. First of all, we have lost the moral right to fight against expansion
because we have legitimized expansion by the back door (by standing
aside and letting ex-Soviet republics negotiate membership). We are
still against expansion because it diminishes Russia's role (in world
affairs) and it brings NATO which is not a friendly alliance right up to
our door. That's why we approved the membership of the Baltic states in
the European Union, but not NATO. The Russian leadership is against the
expansion of NATO which doesn't take Russia in. The best way out of this
blind alley is two fold: One is take Russia first, or second take some
other countries and then take Russia.

Q. Is this a prevailing view about NATO membership in the Russian
leadership?

A. I don't think it could be called a prevailing view. Nobody on an
official level has said what I am saying now. But I would say it is a
view of Russian politicians and intellectuals close to the mainstream.

Q. What would NATO have to do to convince the Russians that it was
serious about early membership?

A. Give a time-table -- but a firm time-table.

Q. Would you forsee a debate in Russia over NATO membership?

A. There is already a debate on that. It has several traits, one
argument against is that we would have to learn to change all our
technical standards and to forget about our military industry, but this
is not true. We all know that France still keeps some of its own
calibers for other uses. The second argument is China, and we have to
deal with that seriously. The third is traditional anti-NATO sentiment,
but many believe that would be subdued. Many educated Russians who are
shaping the opinion of the country believe that Russia should belong to
the West. Being in NATO will give us a future.

Q. Recently U.S. officials have been more understanding of Russia's
problem with Chechnya. There have been less references to Russian human
rights violations. Do you think this is part of a quid pro quo for
offered Russian cooperation in the U.S. response to the terrorist
attack?

A. I don't think we can talk about a quid pro quo because Chechnya is an
issue of national importance. But we feel deeply the link between the
fighting in Chechnya and international terrorism. Read Putin's
statements over the last three years. He was the leader who mentioned
the threat of international terrorism more than any other because he
felt that the Chechnya rebels would not have been able to survive
without outside support. The Chechens were getting money from militant
Islamic sources, and then they got intellectual and ideological
influence, and gradually they deteriorated into a fanatical Islamic
state, which previously they were not. Partially, we were to blame for
that, but partially they were infiltrated, there's no question about
that.

Q. Where do you see Russia's relationship developing with the European
Union?

A. Russia eventually, if it develops at a normal rate, should become a
member of the European Union. But it's a much more complicated process
than membership of NATO because NATO's criteria for membership are in a
sense artificial, it's political expediency. But if we develop well, and
in 15 years from now we will have a European Union of  25 -- 27 states,
very far from the hope of a federal state but still a powerful
integrated body, at that juncture Russia could be a valuable addition.
Unfortunately, the EU's security dimension is going nowhere, or almost
nowhere, and is no substitute for NATO membership.

Q. So you would, in fact, abandon the common European home rhetoric and
think in terms of the wider Atlantic and the Eurasian partnership?

A. Economically and culturally we would not abandon the European Union
because we are culturally much closer to Europe than to the United
States, but in the global age the security could not be confined to
Europe. Most prospective challenges in terms of security are coming from
outside (Europe) and the European Union can not deal with these
challenges. It can only deal with them aligned with the United States,
with Russia, with China.

Q. There is one issue that could disrupt relations between America and
Russia and also between American and Europe to some extent, and that's
missile defense. If Russia is moving into closer relationship with the
Americans over terrorism and it's also developing a different attitude
towards NATO membership, how will that affect Russia's attitude towards
missile defense?

A. First of all, if you're allies, there is a big difference in
attitude. Second, Americans do not know what they want to deploy, and
what they are able to deploy, and Russia would be the last country to
suffer. The current scenarios do not endanger Russian security directly.
They create problems for China, for Europe, but not for Russia. So
Russia is not going to be the errand boy for Europe on this issue, or
the ABM issue. But U.S. missile defense would be an impediment to a
coalition set-up. Another impediment could be American unilateral
action. If they act according to their own interests that would be
dangerous and would ruin any kind of coalition. The United States acting
independently of anybody else, would in any case be less potent. Because
it is very clear that America could lead the world only as a member of a
large coalition.

THE END

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