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ourth
candidate before the convention, had been from the first out of the
running, his highest vote being only seven On the sixteenth ballot,
Buchanan received 168 and Douglas 122 Though Buchanan now had a
majority of the votes of the convention, he still lacked thirty of the
two-thirds required for a nomination[528]
It was at this juncture that Douglas telegraphed to his friend
Richardson, who was chairman of the Illinois delegation and a
prominent figure in the convention, instructing him to withdraw his
name The announcement was received with loud protestations The
dispatch was then read "If the withdrawal of my name will contribute
to the harmony of our party or the success of our cause, I hope you
will not hesitate to take the step if Mr Pierce or Mr Buchanan,
or any other statesman who is faithful to the great issues involved in
the contest, shall receive a majority of the convention, I earnestly
hope that all my friends will unite in insuring him two-thirds, and
then making his nomination unanimous Let no personal considerations
disturb the harmony or endanger the triumph of our principles"[529]
Very reluctantly the supporters of Douglas obeyed their chief, and on
the seventeenth ballot, James Buchanan received the unanimous vote of
the convention For the second time Douglas lost the nomination of his
party
Douglas bore himself admirably At a mass-meeting in Washington,[530]
he made haste to pledge his support to the nominee of the convention
His generous words of commendation of Buchanan, as a man possessing
"wisdom and nerve to enforce a firm and undivided execution, of the
laws" of the majority of the people of Kansas, were uttered without
any apparent misgivings Prophetic they certainly were not Douglas
could approve the platform unqualifiedly, for it was a virtual
indorsement of the principle which he had proclaimed from the
housetops for the greater part of two years "The American Democracy,"
read the main article in the newly adopted resolutions, "recognize and
adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing the
Territories of Nebraska and Kansas as embodying the only sound and
safe solution of the slavery question, upon which the great national
idea of the people of this whole country can repose in its determined
conservation of the Union, and non-interference of Congress with
slavery in the Territories or in the District of Columbia"[531]
Douglas deemed it a cause for profound rejoicing that the party was
at last united upon principles which could be avowed everywhere,
North, South, East, and West As the only national party in the
Republic, the Democracy had a great mission to perform, for in his
opinion "no less than the integrity of the Constitution, the
preservation and perpetuity of the Union," depended upon the result of
this election[532]
No man could have been more magnanimous under defeat and so little
resentful at a personal slight His manly conduct received favorable
comment on all sides[533] He was still the foremost figure in the
Democratic party To be sure, James Buchanan was the titular leader,
but he stood upon a platform erected by his rival His letter of
acceptance left no doubt in the minds of all readers that he indorsed
the letter and the spirit of the Kansas-Nebraska Act[534]
A fortnight later the Republican national convention met at
Philadelphia, and with great enthusiasm adopted a platform declaring
it to be the duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories "those
twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery" Even in this new
party, availability dictated the choice of a presidential candidate
The real leaders of the party were passed over in favor of John C
Fremont, whose romantic career was believed to be worth many votes
Pitted against Buchanan and Fremont, was Millard Fillmore who had been
nominated months before by the American party, and who subsequently
received the indorsement of what was left of the moribund Whig
party[535]
* * * * *
FOOTNOTES
[Footnote 507 This aspect of party has been treated at greater length
in an article by the writer entitled "The Nationalizing Influence of
Party," _Tale Review_, November; 1906]
[Footnote 508 Sheahan, Douglas, pp 264-265]
[Footnote 509 _Ibid_, p 271]
[Footnote 510 _Ibid_, p 269]
[Footnote 511 Cutts, Constitutional and Party Questions, pp 98-99]
[Footnote 512 Davidson and Stuve, History of Illinois, pp 641-643]
[Footnote 513 See items scattered through the Illinois _State
Register_ for these exciting weeks]
[Footnote 514 See Illinois State _Register_, October 6, 1854, and
subsequent issues]
[Footnote 515 Nearly every biographer of Lincoln has noted this
apparent breach of agreement on the part of Douglas, but none has
questioned the accuracy of the story, though the unimaginative Lamon
betrays some misgivings, as he records Lincoln's course after the
"Peoria truce" See Lamon, Lincoln, p 358 The statement of Irwin (in
Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, p 329) does not seem credible, in the
light of all the attendant circumstances]
[Footnote 516 _Whig Almanac_ 1855]
[Footnote 517 MS Letter, Douglas to Lanphier, December 18, 1854]
[Footnote 518 MS Letter, Douglas to Lanphier, December 18, 1854]
[Footnote 519 Davidson and Stuve, History of Illinois, pp 689-690;
Sheahan, Douglas, pp 275-276]
[Footnote 520 Rhodes, History of the United States, II, p 67]
[Footnote 521 _Globe_, 33 Cong, 2 Sess, App, p 216]
[Footnote 522 Globe, 33 Cong, 2 Sess, App, p 330]
[Footnote 523 Rhodes, History of the United States, II, pp 97-98,
130, 196]
[Footnote 524 _Globe_, 34 Cong, 1 Sess, p 655]
[Footnote 525 _Ibid_, App, p 391]
[Footnote 526 _Globe,_34 Cong, 1 Sess, App p 392]
[Footnote 527 Rhodes, History of the United States, II, pp 169-171]
[Footn
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