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From: Greg Butterfield
          -------------------------
          Via Workers World News Service
          Reprinted from the Jan. 28, 1999
          issue of Workers World newspaper
          -------------------------

          Indonesians expose U.S. role
          in massacres

          By Deirdre Griswold

          It was May 8 of last year. A group of several hundred
          students at the IKIP Teachers University in west Jakarta
          defied truckloads of troops of the Indonesian military
          dictatorship to hold a mock "people's trial" of President
          Suharto.

          The general had recently been reappointed president for a
          seventh five-year term. Indonesia was in a deepening
          economic crisis. Thousands of students were becoming bolder
          in their opposition, but these at the teachers' university
          went much further politically than others demonstrating at
          the parliament.

          They raised the subject that for over 30 years had been
          strictly forbidden in Indonesia.

          They accused Suharto of "murder, robbery, corruption and
          collusion," including "the slaying of 1.5 million people
          without trial in the 1960s."

          Suharto eventually was forced to resign, but the murderous
          regime he headed remains. Ever since 1965, it has relied on
          the Pentagon for its training and weaponry.

          It is still the official mythology, in both Jakarta and
          Washington, that the bloody rule of the Indonesian generals
          was necessary to save the country from an attempted
          "communist coup" that started on Sept. 30, 1965.

          That is a lie. But the mass slaughter of labor unionists,
          students, women, nationalists, and progressives of every
          sort that began in October of that year and continued month
          after month--so that travelers to Indonesia reported rivers
          red with blood--was very real.

          It is barely mentioned in Western reporting about this
          strategic Asian country. But it is the gorilla in the room
          of Indonesian politics.

          The silence of the U.S. government in particular, so fond
          these days of justifying its military interventions in terms
          of "human rights," is not mysterious. There is abundant
          evidence to show that Washington was secretly but deeply
          involved in the massacres that destroyed huge popular
          movements in Indonesia, ushering in decades of repression
          and foreign profit-taking.

          `A gleam of light'

          The United States was a key player in what can truly be
          called the second greatest crime of the century. An air of
          smug self-satisfaction emanated from Washington as the death
          toll mounted.

          In a June 19, 1966, piece headlined "A Gleam of Light in
          Asia," New York Times columnist James Reston wrote that
          events in Indonesia were "more hopeful" than in Vietnam.

          "The savage transformation of Indonesia from a pro-Chinese
          policy under Sukarno to a defiantly anti-Communist policy
          under Gen. Suharto is, of course, the most important of
          these developments," wrote Reston.

          "Washington is careful not to claim any credit for this
          change in the sixth most populous and one of the richest
          nations in the world, but this does not mean that Washington
          had nothing to do with it.

          " ... [I]t is doubtful if the coup would ever have been
          attempted without the American show of strength in Vietnam
          or been sustained without the clandestine aid it has
          received indirectly from here."

          As the massacres proceeded virtually without resistance,
          "The Johnson Administration found it difficult today to hide
          its delight with the news from Indonesia, pointing to the
          political demise of President Sukarno and the Communists,"
          wrote New York Times reporter Max Frankel in a March 12,
          1966, story headlined "Elated U.S. Officials Looking to New
          Aid to Jakarta's Economy."

          "Elation" is too strong an emotion for mere observers.
          Hundreds of high-ranking Indonesian officers had come to the
          United States for military training. Some were in close
          contact with the leaders of the U.S. foreign-policy
          establishment. The plot to carry out mass murder on a scale
          not seen since the Holocaust had begun here.

          Nevertheless, the official line was that Washington was only
          a spectator. No details of the plot were made public.

          But in 1990, an article appeared in several newspapers
          around the country--first in the Spartanburg, S.C.,
          Herald-Journal on May 19, then within days in the San
          Francisco Examiner, the Washington Post and the Boston
          Globe--that blew the lid off the CIA's role in the
          massacres. Written by Kathy Kadane, it was based on
          interviews with former CIA Director William Colby, two other
          CIA officers, and State Department figures.

          Kadane's article began: "The U.S. government played a
          significant role in one of the worst massacres of the
          century by supplying the names of thousands of Communist
          Party leaders to the Indonesian army, which hunted down the
          leftists and killed them, former U.S. diplomats say.

          "For the first time, U.S. officials acknowledge that in 1965
          they systematically compiled comprehensive lists of
          Communist operatives, from top echelons down to village
          cadres. As many as 5,000 names were furnished to the
          Indonesian army, and the Americans later checked off the
          names of those who had been killed or captured, according to
          the U.S. officials."

          Kadane spoke to Robert J. Martens, a former member of the
          U.S. Embassy's political section who had become a consultant
          to the State Department. "They probably killed a lot of
          people, and I probably have a lot of blood on my hands, but
          that's not all bad. There's a time when you have to strike
          hard at a decisive moment," Martens told her.

          You would think that the publication of Kadane's article
          would open a national dialogue on who was responsible for
          these heinous crimes. But it was as though her revelations
          had fallen down a deep, dark well.

          Suppressed truth comes to light

          In Indonesia itself, the military dictatorship has
          constructed an elaborate mythology to explain itself.

          The December 1998 issue of Tapol, a bulletin of the
          Indonesia Human Rights Campaign, explains, "Nothing is
          written in Indonesian history books about the slaughter of
          hundreds of thousands of alleged communists and the arrest
          and persecution of hundreds of thousands more."

          Ten of those arrested in the late 1960s are still in prison.
          Many died of disease, torture, malnutrition and overwork.

          The regime's version of the 1965 events is that the
          communists murdered six army generals in an attempted coup.
          "School history books are all based on Suharto's version,"
          says Tapol, and "there are museums and monuments dedicated
          to driving home the same message. Schoolchildren have been
          taken to these `sacred' places to din the message in, and
          for more than 15 years, all TV companies have been required
          to show a four-and-a-half hour film on 1 October, giving a
          grotesque depiction of the heinous deeds of Indonesian
          communists and their allies."

          But there was no attempted coup. The most obvious proof of
          this is that every single member of the cabinet was
          eventually arrested and charged with being part of the
          "coup." President Sukarno died under house arrest. How could
          a government be charged with trying to overthrow itself?

          Yes, six generals were killed--but why and by whom has never
          been fully explained. Brig. Gen. Supardjo was accused of
          being part of the "September 30th Movement" that allegedly
          killed the six. He testified in his trial that the movement,
          led by a colonel in President Sukarno's palace guard, had
          been a badly organized attempt to forestall a coup by a
          right-wing "Council of Generals."

          There have been suggestions that Suharto knew about the
          plans of the September 30th Movement. It removed six of his
          rivals for leadership of the military and paved the way for
          the Council of Generals to take over.

          As Suharto's troops began seizing control of the country,
          they widely circulated stories that the six generals' bodies
          had been horribly mutilated by left-wing women cadres. So
          great was the hysteria and fear generated by the fascist
          military takeover that it took over 30 years for one of the
          team that carried out the autopsies to finally speak out and
          refute this false story.

          Professor Arif Budianto was quoted in the Indonesian
          publication Forum Keadilan of Oct. 3, 1998, as saying: "When
          it came to writing up our findings, we were all very
          frightened about the consequences of our findings. The
          reports circulating about the bodies were clearly untrue and
          greatly exaggerated."

          These false reports, however, were calculated to soften up
          the public for the bloodbath against the left that followed.


          There was no evidence that the Indonesian Communist Party
          (PKI), one of the largest in the world with 3 million
          members, had been part of the September 30th Movement. It
          was caught completely by surprise by the events and never
          mobilized its massive following, even after the massacres
          had begun.

          However, the destruction of the PKI, other socialists and
          Indonesian nationalists trying to keep their country out of
          the clutches of Western imperialism was clearly the
          objective of the real plotters--the cabal of right-wing
          generals and their U.S. trainers.

          The current struggle in Indonesia is finally creating a
          climate where some of the truth can come out--even though
          the danger is still great and the military continues to rule
          from behind the scenes. But a hint of how much is now
          possible can be seen in an article in the Nov. 10 issue of
          the newspaper Republika.

          The article reports on the speech of a former member of
          several post-1965 governments to a public meeting in
          Jakarta. Mashuri--who had been minister of information and
          later minister of education as well as deputy speaker of the
          Supreme Consultative Assembly--told the seminar on
          "Suharto's Role in Indonesian History" that in 1965 the
          general had acted in collaboration with the U.S. and British
          secret services, the CIA and MI6.

          Britain, the colonial power in neighboring Malaya, had
          carried out a vicious war against national-liberation forces
          there after World War II. Its "expertise" in this area would
          have been important to the United States.

          In 1965, at the height of the Cold War, Washington
          strategists were pushing the "domino theory" to explain why
          the apocalypse in Vietnam was so vital to "U.S. interests."
          The events in Indonesia were seen as a sideshow to that war.


          With the Cold War over, it should be easier to understand
          what was behind the wild anti-communism of the Indonesian
          generals and their U.S. mentors. The words of Isabel Allende
          in an essay about Gen. Augusto Pinochet's 1973 coup in Chile
          apply equally to Indonesia: "The worst repression was
          carried out against the lower classes, long viewed by the
          military as the prime breeding ground of Marxism. The people
          were punished for having dared defy those who had always
          held political and economic power." (Sunday New York Times
          Magazine, Jan. 17.)

          In the weeks leading up to the Chile coup, right-wing
          graffiti appeared on the streets of Santiago warning
          "Jakarta is coming."

          Pinochet is now openly regarded as a criminal in most of the
          world. Suharto can be openly criticized at last, although
          his arranged retirement took away none of his wealth and
          only some of his political power.

          But the criminals in Washington are still at large. Worse,
          the cause for which they have labored--domination of the
          globe by U.S. corporations and banks--has reached an even
          higher stage of development.

          Yet even as victory seems within their grasp, the apostles
          of the new imperialist world order are seeing their work
          disintegrate under the hammer blows of a new world
          capitalist economic crisis that leaps from Indonesia to
          Russia to Brazil, reviving the mass struggle they thought
          they had crushed.

          [English translation of material from Indonesian
          publications comes from the magazine Tapol.]

          - END -

          (Copyright Workers World Service: Permission to reprint
          granted if source is cited. For more information contact
          Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,NY 10011; via e-mail:
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          [EMAIL PROTECTED] Web: http://www.workers.org)

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Didistribusikan tgl. 27 Jan 1999 jam 06:30:14 GMT+1
oleh: Indonesia Daily News Online <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
http://www.Indo-News.com/
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