How Trump’s Attacks on U.S. Intelligence Will Come Back to Haunt Him

By Daniel Benjamin

January 11, 2017

http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/01/how-trumps-attacks-on-us-intelligence-will-come-back-to-haunt-him-214622

Donald Trump’s wild, swinging attacks against the intelligence community have 
been so far off the charts of traditional behavior for a president-elect that 
it is hard to wrap one’s mind around—and impossible not to wonder what lies 
behind it. That Trump is trying to throw everyone off the track of his ties to 
Russia and whatever compromising information it has, as CNN is reporting, seems 
increasingly plausible.

Whatever the case, Trump’s assaults on a core element of the government he is 
soon to lead have most observers focusing on the damage he is doing to the 17 
institutions that house our spies and analysts. In his campaign to smother the 
notion that Russia hacked the U.S. election, he has thus far smeared the CIA 
and its sister agencies with accusations of politicizing intelligence, gross 
incompetence and even fabrication—to the horror of Republicans and Democrats in 
Congress, the foreign policy establishment and of course the intelligence 
community itself.

Less remarked upon, but perhaps more consequential, is the eye-opening job 
Trump is doing at sabotaging his own presidency before it even starts. I say 
that mindful that the president-elect prevailed in the election even as 
everyone thought he was digging himself into a hopeless position. In the end, 
there is simply no evading the scorecard that governing creates. No American 
president can succeed in foreign policy—and by extension his term as 
commander-in-chief—without a good relationship with the intelligence community. 
Indeed, historically speaking, the CIA is usually one of the very first 
agencies to establish a relationship with new chief executives, because of the 
briefings it delivers before elections have even occurred and the beguiling 
prospect it offers of handling missions quietly and efficiently.

Perhaps Trump thinks that he, CIA director designate Michael Pompeo and 
Director of National Intelligence designate Dan Coats can charm the intel 
community back into line. Given Trump’s adoration for Putin, strained 
relationship with facts and disinclination to hear bad news, I’m guessing this 
won’t happen. Instead, his pre-inauguration tantrums will haunt him. Here’s 
five reasons why.

Disrespected spies can’t do their jobs. The charges Trump has leveled at the 
intelligence community (IC) are demoralizing. There may be no more effective 
way to undermine the CIA and other intel agencies than charging them with 
politicization. The intelligence community lives and dies by its reputation for 
providing the unvarnished truth, and, though many may be surprised to hear it, 
the culture of these institutions is remarkably free of politics. I have been 
amazed, time and again, to hear from career intelligence people that they don’t 
know the partisan leanings of people they work closely with; it is just not 
talked about. Trump’s claim, after some of the first briefings he received last 
summer, that he could tell by his CIA briefers’ “body language” that they were 
dissatisfied because “our leaders did not follow what they were recommending” 
set off alarms on this count early on.

Faced with these insults, as well as Trump’s continual lack of interest in 
intelligence, top career officials are going to find it hard to lean into their 
jobs. These are hardworking, tough, patriotic people and they undoubtedly will 
want to do their best. But working for a chief executive who believes he is 
“like, a smart person,” doesn’t need to hear the “the same things in the same 
words” at regular briefings and disparages his experts in public is bound to be 
dispiriting. Ultimately, they will find it tougher to push their considered 
views against his surly blasts. How many times will the briefers come back to 
warn Trump that his friend Vladimir Putin is indeed hacking U.S. government 
computers or massing troops on the borders of Estonia or Latvia when he refuses 
to heed it?

The implications of this kind of alienation could be profound, both for U.S. 
national security and Trump’s legacy. Trump’s experience as a New York real 
estate developer and Page Six celebrity has undoubtedly introduced him to 
plenty of unusual characters. If he thinks he can understand North Korean 
dictator Kim Jong Un without the help of the experts, well, God help us.

Trump has devalued an important asset. Trump has cast a big shadow over the 
quality of the IC’s work by invoking its 2002 misjudgment on Iraqi weapons of 
mass destruction to suggest that it is also wrong about Putin’s recent meddling 
in U.S. politics. That’s an appalling smear, not least because cherry-picking 
is terrible analysis. Trump overlooks the 15 years since the invasion of Iraq, 
a period in which the IC raised its game time, found Osama bin Laden and did 
the lion’s share of the work to destroy al Qaeda. Those are just the high 
points and say nothing about the terabytes of tactical information and analysis 
the IC churns out every day to keep American foreign and security policy 
running.

This kind of trash talking diminishes public respect for the intelligence 
community, which relies on government officials to defend its reputation 
because so much of its work never is never heard of outside the Executive 
Branch. This might work for Trump in the short run, as he scrambles to defend 
the legitimacy of the 2016 election. Eventually, it will backfire. At some 
point during his presidency, Trump is going to want to act on intelligence he 
receives. And what will happen when he tries to justify to the nation that he 
is deploying troops or firing missiles on the basis of information brought to 
him by agencies he has so thoroughly denigrated? Trump seems not to understand 
that governing is a team sport, and that his credibility will ultimately depend 
on those who serve the administration.

Top talent will flee. Who wants to work for an organization that has become the 
White House’s punching bag? As former Deputy CIA Director Michael Morell has 
argued, Trump’s public repudiation of the community will prompt its stars to 
wonder why they work crazy hours for civil service salaries. Senior 
intelligence managers are in high demand—just visit the headquarters of a few 
large financial institutions and you can see. Washington is awash with the 
consulting firms of former senior CIA officials who will do everything from 
open the doors of the powerful in faraway places to provide sophisticated risk 
analysis. One doesn’t often hear about them going belly-up. Younger analysts 
and intelligence collectors, who watched their college classmates march off to 
fabulous incomes at Bridgewater, Goldman Sachs and innumerable tech startups, 
will have ample reason to reconsider their choices. At a time when the 
government needs more intelligence on more subjects every year, a downturn in 
recruitment and quality could be felt quickly.

Leakers and whistleblowers won’t hesitate. What Morell and other intelligence 
veterans are too decorous to mention is that Trump’s treatment of his spies 
will also come back to bite him in the form of leaking and whistleblowing. The 
intelligence community doesn’t leak as much as the Pentagon or Congress, but 
when’s its reputation is at stake, it can do so to devastating effect.

When something goes wrong—say a military deployment to combat jihadi insurgents 
in the Middle East blows up in the Trump administration’s face—the press will 
overflow with stories telling of intelligence reports that were ignored by the 
White House and briefings the president missed. The current administration 
suffered this treatment on a number of memorable occasions, including, perhaps 
most dramatically, the deluge of stories about other options it could have 
chosen in Syria—and that is despite the fact that Barack Obama has probably had 
a better relationship with the IC than any American leader since George H.W. 
Bush, who served as CIA director a dozen years before being elected president.

Imagine what an aggrieved intel community might do to a genuinely hostile 
president.

No one will stick his neck out for the president. One form of punishment that 
the intelligence community can mete out will likely come to gall Trump and his 
team most: passivity. Inevitably, there will be missions that Trump wants 
carried out secretly and effectively, so he can avoid deploying the military 
and suffering public criticism.

But it is an iron law of bureaucracy that no agency will knock itself out for a 
leader it deems capricious, especially one who cannot be relied on to defend 
his own if something goes wrong.

Considering the crowd around him, it may not be long before Trump asks, for 
example, for covert options to destabilize the Iranian regime. The answer from 
the intel community will never be no. Instead, the planners will brief the 
president on three different approaches. Then they will assess the risk of 
failure for each at 60-80 percent, providing the Oval Office with a dare it 
cannot possibly accept. For some, of course, this could turn out to be a silver 
lining in otherwise dismal story.

President-elect Trump has shown distinctive tastes in world leaders, quoting 
Benito Mussolini approvingly, openly admiring Putin and lauding Saddam 
Hussein’s counterterrorism efforts. Another figure who fits well into this 
lineup is the totalitarian Josef Stalin, who also ignored and disparaged the 
foreign intelligence that was brought to him, especially the assessments in 
1940-1941 about a Nazi buildup on Soviet Russia’s borders. That didn’t work out 
too well for Stalin and his people. Trump might ponder that.

Ambassador Daniel Benjamin is Director of the John Sloan Dickey Center for 
International Understanding at Dartmouth College and served as Coordinator for 
Counterterrorism at the State Department 2009-2012.
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