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Call for Publications

Theme: The Theory and Practice of Second-Class Citizenship
Publication: Politics, Groups and Identities
Date: Special Issue
Deadline: 1.2.2016

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We are soliciting contributions to a special issue of Politics,
Groups and Identities, titled “The theory and politics of
second-class citizenship.” Contributions should evaluate the
political theoretic questions that arise from governments’ recent
attempts to legislate the creation of second class citizenship. 

The issue’s goal is to evaluate changes in the last 25 years to the
approach taken by western states to citizenship that have led to new
forms of second class citizenship. In 1989, Iris Marion Young argued
for a group-differentiated approach to citizenship in response to
what she perceived as the corrosion of the ideal of universal
citizenship in the postwar period. According to Young, differences in
class and cultural identity could be predicted to intersect with
public policies with the effect of denying access for some people to
certain key benefits of citizenships and thereby creating a de facto
class of second-class citizens. Her goal was to expose these
exclusions as a direct result of the pursuit of universal
citizenship, and to propose group-differentiated citizenship as a
response.

In contrast, today, second-class citizenship is explicitly written
into the legislation of many western states. For instance, in Canada
and Britain, legislation now allows the state to strip citizenship
from those who are convicted of, or in some cases suspected of,
engaging in counter-state activities; many European states are
considering doing the same. In France, court decisions have denied
citizenship applications to those who appear to fail to conform to
French republican ideals. Temporary foreign worker programs across
North America and Europe are being revamped (in Europe) and
increasingly treated as a means by which states access an army of
workers while denying them a clear pathway citizenship (in North
America); in some cases, access to citizenship is dangled as a
possible prize, but only on condition of good behavior by these
workers.  The rewriting of citizenship tests across European states
to emphasize shared norms and values; the refusal to consider
abandoning the widespread practice of disenfranchising felons in the
United States (who remain predominantly African American); the
attempts to ban traditional forms of Muslim dress from the public
sphere – these are all examples of conditioning citizenship on
certain behaviors and norms.

Whereas when Young was writing, political actors still treated
citizenship as a status that ought to be thought of as universal –
i.e., applied to all citizens equally – and were thus in the business
of refusing to admit that some citizens were treated less than
equally because of racial, gender, cultural, and ethnic differences,
now political actors (and the publics that support them) are
explicitly treating citizenship as conditional, on good behavior, on
shared values and so on, and appear more comfortable with the ways
these conditionality intersects with, and excludes, difference.

Contributions to this special issue of PGI will consider and evaluate
the theory and politics of these turns towards conditionality of
citizenship. Please send expressions of interest by February 1, 2016
and final papers, of between 7000-9000 words, by May 1, 2016, to
Avigail Eisenberg (aviga...@uvic.ca) and Patti Tamara Lenard
(patti.len...@uottawa.ca).




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