http://www.themoscowtimes.com/arts/2009/02/25/374830.htm



 
>From Lubov Krassin, Leonid Krasin His Life And Work london Skeffington And 
>Son, 1929
How the Bolshevik Revolutionaries Looted Russia
In the years before the Revolution, the Bolsheviks would fund their activities 
by holding up banks and stealing gold. 
By James Marson 
Published: ??????? 25, 2009

In the years before the Revolution, the Bolsheviks would fund their activities 
by holding up banks and stealing gold. As Sean McMeekin demonstrates in his new 
book, after seizing power in November 1917 these leopards didn't change their 
spots.

"History's Greatest Heist" is a comprehensive guide to the Bolshevik's 
appropriation of state and private assets, their subsequent laundering by 
Swedish bankers and use as security to fund purchases of arms to enforce their 
will on a starving population. Academic in its depth and execution and 
cinematic in its scope, McMeekin's work takes us through the first four years 
of Bolshevik rule, describing how a band of revolutionaries managed to 
establish rule over all of Russia.

The story begins in pre-Revolutionary Russia, portrayed by McMeekin as a 
burgeoning capitalist state, industrializing and modernizing at a fast pace. 
That may well have been the case, but he brushes over more uncomfortable 
elements of political suppression and massive economic inequality. (Sound 
familiar?)

After the Bolsheviks first seized power in November 1917, they needed cash 
fast, "if only, at first, to pay the Red Guards ... who had staged the coup." 
When State Bank officials refused to recognize Bolshevik authority and 
cooperate with demands for money, they were replaced with an incompetent 
financial team who, as one later confessed, "entered the enormous corridors of 
this bank as if we were penetrating a virgin forest."

McMeekin has little time for the Marxist ideology that drove the Bolsheviks' 
economic ideals, their bookish theories that led them to disregard the 
possibilities of economic reality. When a Swedish banker warned that the 
cancellation of all foreign debt obligations in February 1918 would ruin 
Russia's creditworthiness, Mechislav Bronsky, the Bolshevik trade commissar, 
laughed in his face.

At the same time the "loot the looters" campaign was being carried out to 
transfer the wealth to the new regime under the guise of returning to the 
workers what was rightfully theirs. In reality, "property nationalizations" 
meant anarchy and "were carried out by whoever wished to loot and rob their 
neighbors." McMeekin recounts the murder of the Romanovs in Yekaterinburg in 
gory detail, with locals tearing jewels off the dead bodies. As late as the 
1930s, the Cheka found $1.6 million of imperial jewelry in the area.



      Yale University Press   
     


When a state committee -- Gokhran -- was set up in 1920 to organize 
confiscations, its amateurish work systematically destroyed Russia's wealth and 
cultural heritage as its workers stripped down historical objects to their raw 
materials. Not only did the Bolsheviks manage to seize the tsar's gold bullion, 
Europe's largest reserve, but they also took jewelry, silver cutlery, artwork 
and books from homes and safe-deposit boxes across the country.

At times, McMeekin takes an overly romanticized view of some of the 
dispossessed. The idea of a prince stuffing "two Rembrandts ... [and] many 
family jewels" into his luggage as he flees the country is a little hard to 
swallow given what we know about Russia's widespread poverty. The picture of an 
idealized pre-Revolutionary Russia certainly gives us very clear heroes and 
villains, but it also provides an excessively one-dimensional view of those in 
whose hands Russia's patrimony was held before the Revolution. This is not to 
justify the Bolshevik's looting but rather to provide a more textured view.

The Bolsheviks' nationalization campaign was not only driven by ideological 
fervor but also by desperation for money. Faced with resistance by peasants, 
workers and soldiers, the very people in whose name they made the Revolution, 
they maintained authority by their monopoly on the means to violence. McMeekin 
demonstrates how the money, surrendered under slogans such as "Turn gold into 
bread," was primarily spent on arms and military equipment to cement their rule 
by force. 

But after their repudiation of foreign debts, no one would deal with the 
Bolsheviks -- no one, that is, apart from bankers and businessmen driven by 
greed. Swedish bankers were happy to help the Bolsheviks melt gold down and 
recast it with the Swedish stamp. The German authorities were concerned that 
the money flooding into the country from Russia was fuelling propaganda for a 
world revolution. In fact, it was securitizing massive arms and industrial 
deals.

Shady middlemen -- both Bolshevik veterans and wheeler-dealers -- fanned out 
across Europe with suitcases stuffed with money. Reval (Tallinn) started to 
resemble a Wild West boomtown where adventurers and representatives of 
reputable firms struck deals in return for the Swedish gold.

The Bolsheviks -- belying their claims to represent the workers -- also wanted 
to live the high life. McMeekin is particularly irked by Lenin riding around in 
a Rolls Royce. Money not spent on equipment for the Red Army was spent on food 
-- not grain to feed the starving population suffering from famine, but Swedish 
herring, German bacon and French pig fat.

Of the many foreign villains in the book, no one is more harshly criticized 
than British Prime Minister Lloyd George. In November 1919, he gave up on armed 
intervention against the Bolsheviks, saying "Russia is quicksand," and called 
off the blockade of the Baltic Sea. Under acute domestic economic pressure, his 
decision to sign an Anglo-Soviet Accord in 1921 effectively accepted the 
Bolshevik's claim to the gold as legitimate and assented to their refusal to 
fulfill debt obligations.

By the end of 1921, the riches procured by the Bolshevik's looting had helped 
them to achieve the unthinkable: grudging legitimacy from Western governments 
and the means to defeat their opponents within Russia.

McMeekin concludes that the greedy capitalists, such as U.S. steel magnate 
Andrew Mellon, who acquired a number of paintings by Old Masters, were directly 
responsible for funding the Red Terror and the Bolshevik's war against the 
peasants. Adapting Lenin's phrase, Western capitalists sold the Bolsheviks the 
rope not with which to hang them, but to hang millions of Russians.

"The saddest part of the entire sordid story of the looting and laundering of 
Russia's national patrimony is that so few people know the first thing about 
it," McMeekin laments. His excellent book, with its copious research and 
absorbing narrative, should go a long way to changing that. 

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