http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2012\09\05\story_5-9-2012_pg3_4
Wednesday, September 05, 2012
VIEW : Terrorism: religious or capitalist? — II — Dr Saulat Nagi

Taliban in their heyday, as guests of UNOCAL, were equally staunch Reaganites 
as their mentors (the Saudis) have always been

After the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the Arab regions were ruled by 
different tribes in isolation from the western world, unintegrated with 
international market capitalism. The existence of a central government was a 
distant dream till 1925 when the West realized their importance as energy 
havens. Ibn Saud, after being forced to concede the territory of Oman, Kuwait 
and Bahrain to Britain, was recognized as the King of Nejd and Hejaz, but it 
wasn’t yet the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In February 1945, Roosevelt formally 
embraced Abdulaziz aboard his ship Quincy afloat in the Red sea. “Oil, God and 
real estate,” as Rachel Bronson put it, “fell into easy warm agreement.” 
Capital laid the puritanical (Wahhabi) Islam to rest.

During the Cold War era, the Arab world had its movements of enlightenment 
though most had nothing to do with religion. On the contrary, they found 
themselves inspired by the Soviet revolution. Arab nationalism and emerging 
capitalism portrayed itself in the shape of Nasserism and Ba’athism. Without 
having the necessary material conditions to build socialism, these movements 
under Soviet patronage lost their progressive character and turned into 
oligarchies. Their internal contradictions, in addition to the aggression and 
expansion of Israel, led to their downfall that resultantly gave an impetus to 
political Islam. The state of Israel owes its existence not only to the trade 
routes earmarked by the imperial forces for their hegemony, but also the vast 
hydrocarbon resources found in the Middle East. This was the only state that 
could maintain destabilisation in this area to the benefit of western 
imperialism. The working class Jew was once again cheated; instead of Nazi 
Germany whose role the Israeli state biblically emulates, the predator this 
time around was the US. The oppression carried out by the Zionist state on the 
Palestinians helped foster the resentment amongst the Arabs. Its initial yet 
potent response was the emergence of liberal, progressive and even Marxist 
forces (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine founded by George 
Habash). However, massive US-Israeli repression and the demise of the Soviet 
Union consequently provided the required space and spur to political Islam. The 
US aggression against Iraq and Afghanistan has complicated the situation even 
further, leaving the common folk with a falsified impression that the US is an 
enemy of Islam rather than being hostile to the international working class. 

The presence of religious political parties of the ilk of the Muslim 
Brotherhood is the consequence of a continued void that has prevailed ever 
since the Left was stymied. In Pakistan and the Middle East, in the past such 
parties had no substantial vote bank, and hence were never considered a 
phenomenon worthy of note, although they always had a nuisance value. For their 
survival, these parties were dependent more on the hypocrisy and political 
expediency of the ruling classes, which wanted to present them to the 
imperialist bloc as a lesser evil than the Left, a threat, a catastrophic 
alternative to their tin-pot dictatorship subservient to western interests and 
hegemony. Till recently, this premise has proved right. In Turkey, the Justice 
and Development Party won the elections and were immediately assimilated into 
the power structure by the secular army and the west. Consequently, the 
Islamists fancied their chances in the rest of the Muslim world. A calculated 
change of face in Egypt brought the Brotherhood to power. Again, this was not 
merely by chance. In both countries, as one would expect, the Islamists have 
neither altered the property relations nor challenged western hegemony. In 
fact, within the capitalist order that they’ve embraced so gleefully, they are 
confronting and competing with other states over their share of power and 
influence. With the exception of a few rituals, their political Islam neither 
provides a defined Islamic jurisprudence nor a scholastic content that could 
present an alternative to the current global capitalist system. Once in power, 
it has lost the sheen of fundamentalist fervour, if at all there was any. It 
cannot do otherwise since religion, despite all its slogan-mongering about the 
dispossessed, is incapable of providing any economic system. Even the 
inflexible Islam of Khomeini, a restoration rather than a revolution, neither 
had the desire nor the stomach to transcend capitalist relations of production. 
The Taliban in their heyday, as guests of UNOCAL, were equally staunch 
Reaganites as their mentors (the Saudis) have always been. The confrontational 
posture adopted against the west by Iran and the Taliban has more to do with 
the denial of the imperial powers to negotiate a peaceful settlement for their 
hegemony rather than for ideological reasons.

In essence, religions are neither fundamentalist nor terrorist. Akin to legal, 
cultural and political relations, they too are merely an expression of the 
dominant relations (of production) in a given society. In a society, the 
material changes in the conditions of production such as moving from manual 
labour to machine (mechanized) labour, from feudalism to capitalism (economic 
base or the structure), can be seen and measured with mathematical precision. 
However, the ways and means — religious, legal and cultural (superstructure) — 
through which people gain consciousness about the nature of their struggle, and 
ultimately find their expression, can be variable to the extent of being 
prosaic. Religion “being the sigh of the oppressed creature” is a tangible 
reality, but fundamentalism — the other name for political Islam — can merely 
be defined as negative consciousness. The former has its social content and 
socio-political objectives rooted in the economic conditions of contemporary 
society, whereas the latter is the consequence of dwindling hegemony of the 
ruling feudal-cum-capitalist classes, prevalent anarchy in global capitalism 
and the post-Soviet political-ideological vacuum. Political Islam is a 
right-wing alternative for the reorganisation of bourgeois rule to confront the 
working class.

(To be continued)

The writer is based in Australia and has authored books on socialism and 
history. He can be reached at [email protected]


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