http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/NK09Ae05.html
Nov 9, 2012
SPEAKING FREELY
Political Islam adrift in Indonesia
By Donny Syofyan
Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to
have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.
A recent Indonesian Survey Circle found that major Islamic political parties,
including the Prosperous Justice Party, the National Awakening Party (PKB), the
National Mandate Party (PAN) and the United Development Party, would each
garner less than 5% of the popular vote and collectively only 21.1% if a
general election were held today.
Muslim politicians or Islamic party members might cast doubt on the
predictability of the survey’s methodology and sample. But
viewed from a political communication perspective, it should be seen as
positive and constructive input for the betterment of the parties.
The survey makes four crucial points the parties’ executives must heed in their
attempts to revitalize their ranks at a crucial crossroads. First, Islamic
parties will need to raise the profile of their new young figures. As the 2014
election approaches, the public is not familiar with the parties' new
generation candidates. Although small in number, they are perceived as
incapable of winning voter hearts and minds and as lacking in public
acceptability and sympathy.
Their appearance on the political stage seems limited to their individual
expertise instead of their magnetic personalities, seen in the likes of Lukman
Hakim Saifuddin (PPP) or Bima Arya Sudiarto (PAN). Others are better known for
their controversy and gallantry, including PKS newcomers Anis Matta and Fahri
Hamzah.
Their brilliance and panache cannot break the parties' strong oligarchy. The
problem of intra-party regeneration has as much to do more with senior figures'
reluctance to hand over the reins to their younger members as the poor design
of rejuvenation efforts. While the former could result in political arrogance,
the latter could render the young leaders panicked and less confident during a
time of fast change. Among the main Islamic parties, PKS is probably the only
exception.
Second, Islamic parties lack mastery of society's main strategic issues. This
gives the impression that the big national issues are owned and controlled by
national level secular parties. While many Islamic parties campaigned on
anti-corruption tickets, now in office they are not viewed publicly as being
aggressive enough in addressing the country's many cancerous scandals.
The failure to deal with these assorted scandals and lead public opinion has
caused the Islamic parties to lose their social and intellectual capital. The
parties perceived inability to tackle society's strategic issues has left the
popular impression that they are more concerned with promoting Islamic
formalization than good governance.
Some have suggested this poor mastery is linked to the Islamic parties' small
number of seats in the House of Representatives. However that small
representation could be maximized through the parties' other resources,
including their strong networks of Muslim scholars (ulema) and activists,
mosques, Islamic boarding schools, and many others. To date they have exploited
these resources in a sporadic rather than systematic manner.
Islamic parties would be wise to establish joint think tanks with a view to
sharpening their politicians' lobbying skills. Irwan Prayitno, a PKS politician
and West Sumatra Governor, is noted for his remarkable lobbying skill abroad
and at home and some suggest could play a pivotal role in initiating such a
breakthrough.
Third, Islamic parties lack mass media influence. While secular-national
parties utilize the power of media to the level of control and ownership, the
Islamic parties are still struggling to own and maintain various mass media.
Countless political activities and programs conducted by Islamic parties do not
resonate with voters because they are not covered in the mainstream media.
There are many professional and reputable non-government organizations
belonging to the Islamic parties, including the Medical Emergency Rescue
Committee and the Community Caring Justice Post, whose activities are not
featured in mass media. Indeed, many of them prefer to do their humanitarian
deeds in silence without publicity. That silence, however, has left many of
them exposed to black campaigns and prejudice by rival politicians and vested
interest groups.
Fourth, and perhaps most crucially, is the growing friction and polarization
within and among Islamic parties. For instance, the Crescent Star Party became
vulnerable when its two founders, Yusril Ihza Mahendra and Fadli Zon, left the
party amid internal tensions.
PKS has spent much energy and time dealing with former PKS legislator Yusuf
Supendi, who filed a report with the Corruption Eradication Commission alleging
that fellow party member Anis Matta had embezzled 10 billion rupiah in campaign
funds.
The Masyumi Party lost the significant backing of the Nahdlatul Ulama's mass
membership just because it could not secure the post of Religious Affairs
Minister for its preferred candidate.
To be sure, intra-party friction is not unique to Islamic parties. For
instance, the national level secular Golkar Party has also faced its own
political turmoil and friction. However, Muslim constituents are less willing
to tolerate any friction within Islamic parties due to their religious
foundations.
Persistent discord among Islamic politicians indicates that internal strife has
become part of the culture of many Islamic parties. Yet the inability to seek a
common platform has greatly inhibited the development of Islamic political
power in Indonesia, as the recent LSI poll indicated.
Donny Syofyan is a lecturer at Andalas University, Indonesia.
Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to
have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.
Articles submitted for this section allow our readers to express their opinions
and do not necessarily meet the same editorial standards of Asia Times Online's
regular contributors.
(Copyright 2012 Donny Syofyan
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