http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/indonesias-secular-tussle-with-islam/555946



Indonesia's Secular Tussle With Islam
John McBeth - Straits Times | November 13, 2012
 The president and his deputy attended a Pancasila Sanctity Day event in 
Jakarta on Oct. 1. (Antara Photo/Widodo S. Jusuf) 


During president Suharto's 32-year rule, Indonesians were constantly fed a 
seemingly indigestible diet of Pancasila, the five principles conceived during 
the struggle for independence which served as the philosophical bedrock of the 
future Indonesian state.

Foreign students, in particular, were taken aback at the way it occupied such a 
huge chunk of the curriculum at the country's command and staff college and 
other military institutions. Being able to "receive Pancasila in your heart," 
as the saying went, became something of a joke.

Not any more. In what may be a bid to win back social and political relevance, 
the mass Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama has called for the 
re-consolidation of Pancasila to halt Indonesia's troubling slide into 
religious intolerance.

Last July, former vice-president Try Sutrisno, his fellow generals ranging from 
Wismoyo Arismunandar to Wiranto, former Supreme Court chief justice Bagir Manan 
and other retired senior officials, signed a declaration urging all elements of 
society to return to the ways of Pancasila.

And earlier this month, armed forces chief Admiral Agus Suhartono, his service 
chiefs and majors from the 1999 and 2000 military academy classes held a panel 
discussion on "The Regeneration of Pancasila and its Relevance to the Future of 
the Defense Force."

The renewed focus on Pancasila is also shared among educationalists, worried 
that the loosening of its tenets has emboldened hardline Islamic groups to 
resort to extreme violence against minorities and even civil society itself.

The education ministry will reintroduce a basic Pancasila class that was struck 
from the curriculum five years ago.

Much of the current discourse about Pancasila means different things to 
different people. In many cases, it doesn't touch on Islamic radicalism at all, 
but on the simple imperative of maintaining national unity and related concerns 
over the impact of globalization and inequalities.

The military's panel discussion, for example, dwelt almost solely on 
Pancasila's "victory" over communism in 1965-66, a reaction to recent efforts 
to re-examine the bloody purge which claimed at least 500,000 lives.

After all, the keynote speaker was army chief of staff General Pramono Edhie 
Wibowo, the son of Lieutenant-General Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, considered the 
architect of the Indonesian Communist Party's destruction.

Juwono Sudarsono, a minister of both defense and education in post-Suharto 
administrations, says the rejection of Pancasila as New Order dogma is not the 
issue when Islamic radicals perceive it to be overly serving the interests of 
Christians and minority business professionals.

"If you want to instill tolerance in society, you have to be able to address it 
in socio-economic terms," he points out. 

"Pancasila is seen to be too secular and too tolerant of market capitalism. 
Social and economic marginalization among Muslims has been much more pronounced 
in the last eight to 10 years, especially among middle-class and lower 
middle-class workers."

Analysts like the International Crisis Group's Sidney Jones are in two minds 
about how it can be applied in any meaningful sense. 

"Pancasila 'worked' during Suharto's rule, not because of the power of the idea 
but because of the coercive apparatus that went with it," she argues.

"When Pancasila comes up in the context of being an ideological basis to 
counter religious intolerance, then it will only succeed if there's a much more 
concerted effort to teach and promote pluralism, and define the first and 
second 'sila' as such."

Promulgated by founding president Sukarno, those sila, or principles, call for 
a belief in one God and a "just and civilized humanity." The three others 
prescribe an adherence to national unity, democracy by consensus and social 
justice.

But over the last decade, and particularly since the influential Indonesian 
Council of Ulemas fatwa against pluralism in 2005, the opposition from the 
conservative Muslim community seems to ensure that resurrecting Pancasila will 
have little impact.

For that reason alone, there has to be a willingness to use the authority of 
the state again to push back against the idea of Islam as the only truth. Not 
in a coercive manner as in the past, but resolutely all the same.

It won't be easy, given the disturbing level of intolerance that has taken root 
among even mainstream Muslims. Democracy has allowed for a full flowering of 
Muslim beliefs and the re-emergence of a hardline minority campaigning for an 
Islamic state.

But few if any Islamic or political leaders will speak out against that, or are 
willing to question why institutions like Bank Indonesia and the Supreme Court 
have their own elegant government-funded mosques which inexorably link Islam 
and the state.

Similarly, where is Pancasila applicable when Shi'ite Muslims are forced to 
convert to mainstream Sunnism, and Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi insists 
that human rights conform to local values? And when President Susilo Bambang 
Yudhoyono appears before the United Nations to defend draconian blasphemy laws?

Reprinted courtesy of The Straits Times


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