Ref: Tak mungkin kaum Wahhabi bisa bebas beraksi tanpa restu rezim berkuasa 
dibawah pimpinan SBY & Co. 

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/NL07Ae01.html

Dec 7, 2012 

Wahhabi war waged on Indonesia's Shi'ites
By Rossie Indira and Andre Vltchek 

Indonesia's Shi'ite minority is under heavy attack. Men, women, and children 
have been assaulted, schools damaged, and villages burned to the ground. Many 
have been killed. It is becoming increasingly clear that Saudi Arabia's 
intolerant brand of Wahhabi Sunni Islam - propagated far and wide by Saudi oil 
money - is behind most of assaults. 

Naila Zakiyah, a lecturer at a Shi'a school for girls in the city of Bangil, 
East Java, recently explained to us: 
  "In light of recent events, we are naturally worried about the safety of our 
students... We feel discriminated against. Before this year's Ramadan, the 
Sunni mosque across the street broadcasted their sermon twice a week. They had 
their loudspeakers directed towards our school. They were shouting that Shi'a 
teaching is misguided, and that spilling our blood is halal [permissable under 
Islamic law]. It is said that those who are attacking us are being funded by 
money from Saudi Arabia. In 2007, for example, 500 people demonstrated in front 
of our boarding school; the Saudis gave each person $2."
When we visited the neighboring mosque, our hosts showed us anti-Shi'a 
pamphlets and said that they couldn't talk to their Shi'a neighbors "in a 
subtle way anymore". They added, "If they don't want to convert, then we have 
to use violence. In our opinion, they are kafir [unbelievers]. We will not be 
at peace with them until we die, even if our lives are at stake. They have 
already insulted Islam! If the police do not take action against the Shi'a, we 
will resort to violence." 

And violence they use. In late December 2011, a mob of over 500 Sunnis drove 
300 Shi'ites from their houses in the village of Nangkernang, Madura Island. 
Countless dwellings, including a boarding school and a place of worship, were 
destroyed. 

As is common in Indonesia, local authorities sided with the attackers. Only one 
person was charged for the attack on the village and was sentenced to a 
symbolic three months in prison. Around the same time, local Shi'ite religious 
leader Tajul Muluk was charged with blasphemy and sentenced to two years in 
prison, despite repeated protests from Amnesty International and other 
international human rights organizations. 

After the attack, some villagers cautiously returned, only to face even more 
devastating terror few months later. 

On August 26, 2012, around 30 Shi'ites were traveling from Nangkernang village 
when they were accosted by a Sunni mob armed with swords and machetes. 
According to Indonesian press, two people were murdered as they attempted to 
defend women and children. When we investigated, the villagers told us that 
only one person had been killed but at least five had been wounded. Moreover, 
they said, members of the mob had taken some Shi'ite children away from their 
parents. The mob also set fire to several homes, including one belonging to 
Tajul Muluk. 

We visited the village in October, defying an explicit prohibition by the 
police force stationed in the area. After slipping through the rice fields in 
the middle of the night, we managed to meet representatives of the local 
Shi'ite community. 

"Now we are afraid to say or to show that we are Shi'ites," said one. "Here, 
two communities are living side by side. Not all attackers came from the 
outside; some were from our own village." 

After the onslaught, more than 170 people left central Madura for a refugee 
camp in the city of Sampang. Even this facility - a converted covered tennis 
stadium - is out of reach for most independent journalists, and it took great 
effort to negotiate our entry. 

Refugees were clearly in despair. They all wanted to return home, but the 
government insisted that they would be "relocated" instead. Once again the 
Indonesian government was more interested in appeasing a cabal of sectarian 
aggressors than in pushing for justice. 

Suryadharma Ali, Indonesia's minister of religious affairs, has left little 
doubt about his sympathies. "Converting Shi'ite Muslims to the Sunni Islam 
followed by most Indonesians would be the best way to prevent violent 
outbreaks," he said. 

The essence of domination
At the end of November, the desperate, disheartened, and hungry refugees in 
Sampang sent an envoy to the Indonesian House of Representatives. They demanded 
that they be allowed to return home. They had their back against the wall, as 
the local government had announced it would stop supplying them with food and 
water. 

Instead of sympathy and support, the envoy had insults thrown in his face. 
According to the Jakarta Post, one lawmaker "indulged in ethnic stereotyping, 
attributing the violence that befell the Shi'a to their heritage as coarse 
Maduran fishermen", adding that Indonesia's Shi'ites "must learn to adapt to 
the norm". Another legislator expressed his suspicion that "the Shi'ites had 
created their own problems themselves". 

We contacted our colleagues from the NGO Kontras, which deals with displaced 
and disappeared Indonesians, and asked them for a comment. 

"It is very sad to see that only a few legislators attended the meeting. I am 
afraid that they are not serious in defending the minorities here," said 
Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar. "In my opinion, the essence of domination is 
when the fate of minorities is determined by the majority. They forget that 
there are rights that can't be contested." 

The same day we called the camp in Sampang and spoke to one of our contacts 
there, Nur Kholis. He sounded depressed. "We feel betrayed," he said. "The 
government still wants to relocate us - move us somewhere where we don't 
belong. We just want to go home." 

Collusion across the seas
This is the latest chapter of gross discrimination against minorities in 
Indonesia. Since 1965, Indonesian authorities have committed at least three 
massacres that could be considered genocides. Between 1 and 3 million people - 
mainly leftists and members of the country's Chinese minority - died during and 
after the 1965 military coup. Indonesian forces also killed or starved around 
30% of inhabitants of East Timor. And at least 120,000 people have been killed 
in Papua in a conflict that continues to fester. 

Discrimination against Indonesia's many ethnic and religious minorities did not 
end after Suharto stepped down in 1998. Since then, there have been brutal and 
often deadly attacks against "liberal" Muslims, Muslims from the Ahmadiyah 
sect, and of course against Shi'ites. There have been countless other attacks 
against Christians, members of indigenous traditions, and more recently Hindus 
as well. 

Are these latest attacks homegrown? That is highly doubtful. Indonesian 
decision-makers since 1965 - military, economical, political, and religious - 
have long been known to collaborate with foreign powers and interests. The 
attacks against Shi'ites and other religious minorities in Indonesia mirror 
those happening in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and other parts of the Muslim world 
closely allied to the West. 

"There are many madrassas in Indonesia that have been funded by money from 
Saudi Arabia," says Ali Fauzi, a younger brother of one of the terrorists 
responsible for the bombing in on Bali in 2002. "In exchange they are expected 
to promote the Saudi brand of Islam - Wahhabism. They are expected to oppose 
Shi'a belief and even to attack Shi'ites, as the message coming from Saudi 
Arabia is that Shi'a teaching is heretical." 

Andre Vltchek is a novelist, filmmaker, and investigative journalist. He 
covered wars and conflicts in dozens of countries. His book on Western 
imperialism in South Pacific is called Oceania. His provocative book about 
post-Suharto Indonesia and the market-fundamentalist model is called Indonesia 
- The Archipelago of Fear (Pluto). 

Rossie Indira is an independent writer, architect, and consultant. Her latest 
book Surat Dari Bude Ocie is about her travels to Latin American countries. 
With Andre Vltchek, she cowrote Exile, a book of conversations with Pramoedya 
Ananta Toer. She was the production manager and translator of the documentary 
film Terlena - Breaking of a Nation. 


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