Ref: Mengapa Soeharto sebelum mati tidak mengalami proses hukum seperti Mubarak?

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/1079/17/Mubarak%E2%80%99s-fate.aspx

Mubarak’s fate

Acquaintances of the Mubarak family say that the former president’s nightmare 
could be coming to an end, reports Dina Ezzat


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The fate of ousted former president Hosni Mubarak, currently serving a life 
sentence for having done nothing to save civilian demonstrators from being 
killed during the 25 January Revolution, has become intertwined with foreign 
policy issues relating to Egypt’s relations with some of its formerly closest 
Arab supporters as well as to the inconclusive debate over the country’s 
transitional justice system.

This week’s ruling by the Court of Cassation that it would accept an appeal 
from Mubarak’s lawyers that he should be retried on the criminal charges he was 
convicted on last summer has come in parallel with an unprecedented offer by 
Mubarak himself to settle all the financial disputes the court finds the ousted 
former president to be involved in, even those he categorically denies.

Once the financial charges are settled or dropped, Mubarak will only face the 
criminal charges relating to the killing of the demonstrators.

A source close to the lawyer’s office defending Mubarak said that Mubarak’s 
lawyers were working hard to ensure that the financial disputes were promptly 
settled before the Court of Cassation convened to examine the criminal charges 
against him.

Mubarak’s lawyer Farid Al-Deeb said in TV interviews earlier this week that 
Mubarak and his two sons, Alaa and Gamal, also held in custody pending trial 
for financial corruption, would be willing to pay whatever it took to clear the 
financial charges.

Once this was done, Al-Deeb suggested, he was hopeful that Mubarak would be 
cleared of the financial charges and would then only have to await trial at the 
Court of Cassation.

Mubarak has been in custody pending trial over the killing of the demonstrators 
for over 18 months, which could cover the maximum custodial term demanded by 
the criminal law.

Lawyer and rights activist Mahmoud Kandil said that once the financial charges 
were settled, Mubarak’s fate could take one of three forms. The court could 
decide to keep him in custody pending further litigation, it could decide to 
free Mubarak and deny him the right to travel overseas, or it could decide to 
free him unconditionally.

The third option is what the legal and political sources who spoke to Al-Ahram 
Weekly on condition of anonymity seemed to be expecting. For Kandil, this 
possibility was also likely in view of the “deal being discussed”.

The deal — some suggest deals — over the fate of Mubarak is not new. Since he 
was forced to step down as president following 18 days of nationwide 
demonstrations demanding an end to his three-decade rule, Mubarak has been 
repeatedly offered asylum in several Arab Gulf states, whose diplomats have 
said that despite his mistakes Mubarak was a good man who tried hard to serve 
the best interests of his people and those of the Arab world.

According to close family associates, Mubarak has declined these offers, 
especially since he was apparently offered assurances by the previously ruling 
Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) that he would not end his days in 
prison.

A source close to former head of SCAF Hussein Tantawi, later forced into 
retirement by President Mohamed Morsi, said that Tantawi had wanted to keep 
Mubarak out of the courts but had been unable to do so owing to public pressure.

Tantawi had suggested to Mubarak, according to the same source, that he take 
time out of Egypt with his family before the start of the investigation and 
litigation process, but the ousted former president had declined.

He said that “he had done nothing but serve his country and that there was 
nothing that could be used against him,” the source said.

Informed high-level sources said that there was now a desire on the part of the 
state to end the Mubarak issue. One source said that both Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, 
with whom relations have been tense, had repeatedly asked to host Mubarak and 
his family and “in return” reach out a helping economic hand to Egypt.

The offers are still on, the same sources say. “We think that Mubarak has been 
discredited for life, whatever the Court of Cassation decides to do with him. 
Nobody is interfering, since it is over for Mubarak because even if he were 
acquitted he would still be perceived negatively by the vast majority of 
Egyptians,” said one source.

What was important now was that he and his sons repay their “dues” to the state 
and face charges before a court of law.

State sources who had earlier spoken to the Weekly insisted that Mubarak would 
only be allowed a settlement on the financial corruption charges. “The killing 
of the demonstrators is another story. Here, he will have to await the court 
ruling.”

Even if acquitted, the close to 85-year-old and ailing president might not 
survive long enough to see the end of a new trial, which, according to his 
lawyers and independent legal sources, could take anything between two and four 
years.

Even if Mubarak was found guilty again during his lifetime, he could then ask 
to be offered remission. This would be possible if approved by parliament, an 
advisor to President Morsi said.

Informed legal and political sources say that the coming weeks and months will 
see the “closing” of several legal cases relating to aides of the Mubarak 
regime who have been put in jail on financial corruption charges. “They are 
willing to pay whatever they are asked to get out of jail,” one source 
suggested, adding that “this could only happen through the strictest legal 
channels directly and through mediators.”

Two leading figures of the former Mubarak regime had independently told the 
Weekly on condition of anonymity that they had agreed in talks with leading 
Muslim Brotherhood and state figures to pay back large amounts they are charged 
with illicitly acquiring in their terms in office in return for being let off 
the charges.

“I know I am innocent, but if I have to pay to end this unfair situation in 
which I find myself then I will certainly do it. Time will tell who is innocent 
and who is not,” one former Mubarak regime figure said, adding that he expected 
“matters to take a few more weeks” to settle.

Most of those seeking an end to the legal charges against them seem to be 
planning to leave Egypt once their cases are settled. This applies to at least 
one of the Mubarak sons.

“Mubarak himself dreads the idea of being in political exile, and he thinks 
this is not what he deserves. He says he made mistakes, but that he does not 
deserve such humiliation,” said a doctor who had spoken to Mubarak before he 
was transferred from the Tora Prison to the Maadi Military Hospital due to 
declining health.

Acquaintances of the Mubarak family quote family members as saying that the 
nightmare is now coming to an end. “They are keeping their fingers crossed 
because nobody can tell how things could go. But they are hopeful for sure,” 
said one of the acquaintances.

For Kandil, the fate of Mubarak and his sons and aides is likely to be similar 
to that of “the many police officers who were facing charges of killing 
demonstrators and were acquitted. We have no reason to think that the fate of 
Mubarak will be any different.”

For political scientist and former parliamentarian Amr Hamzawy, what counts is 
not just the fate of Mubarak and his men, but rather the whole transitional 
system of justice.

“Right from the beginning we have been advocating a full and comprehensive way 
of dealing with all matters relating to transitional justice. But this has been 
and still is lacking,” Hamzawy said.

Having presented the dissolved 2011 parliament with a draft bill on 
transitional justice, Hamzawy today insists that fairness is still missing in 
the way cases relating to human rights violations are handled. These include 
cases that include torture and killing under the rule of Mubarak and during the 
revolution, as well as charges of systematic corruption.

“Matters are dealt with on a case-by-case basis, and this goes right against 
the concept of a comprehensive transitional justice system,” Hamzawy said, 
adding that the latter should include recognition of wrong-doing and an apology 
for the crimes committed.

“This is how we have seen things work in proper transitional justice contexts, 
including the most obvious case of South Africa,” he said.

Moreover, Hamzawy is concerned over the “lack of transparency” that could 
prevail in striking settlements with Mubarak regime figures involved in cases 
of systematic corruption.

“It is a very sensitive matter, especially since those in power today, unlike 
for example the currently ruling Islamists in Tunisia, were not in exile but 
were living in Egypt and had links, or at least in-roads, to the interest 
groups that were in power before and that are still partially present today.”

Hamzawy is not convinced that the law to protect the Revolution that was issued 
by the president last November offers enough guarantees to secure a proper or 
methodological system of transitional justice, and he argues that developments 
in the Mubarak case should be a reminder of the need for a comprehensive system 
of transitional justice.

State officials insist that the case of Mubarak will be treated through the 
appropriate legal machinery, though away from other cases.

According to one source close to discussions on the matter that have been 
largely conducted through Khairat Al-Shater, second-in-command of the Muslim 
Brotherhood, “Egypt is keen to contain its disputes with Saudi Arabia and the 
United Arab Emirates, and a settlement of the Mubarak case, and in fact of 
other relevant cases as well, could certainly help.”

The source added that the assessment of the public-opinion monitoring 
mechanisms set up by Al-Shater was that a deal over Mubarak could pass now.

This might well be true. Reham, a political activist who was involved in many 
of the anti-Mubarak demonstrations from 2007 onwards, said that she would not 
object if a deal was reached over Mubarak.

“Let’s face it. The evidence was destroyed, and he will get an acquittal 
anyway. Let’s now get something in return by helping the economy, which is 
falling apart. We need to worry more about poor people,” she said, to the 
disapproval of other activists participating in a discussion as the court 
ruling was issued accepting the retrial of Mubarak.

Those who object to Reham’s argument say that if Mubarak finds an exit now, 
this will be a very negative message to send to the families of the martyrs. 
However, Reham was adamant. “There have been martyrs since Mubarak was removed. 
Who’s going to convict Tantawi for those killed during the rule of SCAF, or 
take Morsi to court over the death of demonstrators in front of his own 
palace,” she asked.

It is this argument comparing Mubarak to those who followed him that prompted 
Rawia, a housewife, to argue that if “they want to get him out and get some 
money to help the current ailing economic situation in return, then let them do 
it.”

Speaking in a Heliopolis supermarket where she was doing her grocery shopping, 
Rawia was convinced “that Mubarak is like Morsi. It makes no sense to punish 
the one and leave the other. They are all the same. Let’s be honest with 
ourselves: this is just the way things are.”


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