http://www.theage.com.au/world/indonesians-must-swallow-bad-apples-20130328-2gx5i.html

Indonesians must swallow bad apples
  Date  March 29, 2013 
  a.. 
 
Michael Bachelard
Indonesia correspondent for Fairfax Media


Contenders for next year's Indonesian presidential election are already 
jostling for position. Michael Bachelard runs the rule over a dubious-looking 
field.

Zoom in on this story. Explore all there is to know.

  a.. 
 
Leading contender: Aburizal Bakrie 

It is 15 months before the first round of the Indonesian presidential election 
but the incumbent, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, entered lame duck territory some 
time ago.

He cannot contest again, having almost finished his second term. But this vast 
country with 175 million electors has all but moved on from his decade in 
power, judging him weak and indecisive.

Political positioning for his successor has become a national obsession and 
Australia's political elites, who have found SBY outward-looking and easy to 
work with, are watching closely.

SBY's party is so racked with corruption scandals it cannot even name a 
potential candidate, and all but one of the other pretenders constitute a 
rogue's gallery of Suharto-era generals, businessmen and politicians.

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''What we have is bad apples,'' says Philips Vermonte of Indonesia's Centre for 
Strategic and International Studies, ''but we have to eat them.''

Prabowo Subianto

The favourite is a former army hard man with a murky past who, if he were to 
apply for a visitor's visa to Australia, would probably be rejected because of 
human rights violations.

But Prabowo, the former head of army special forces unit Kopassus, has spent 
the past five years civilising his image within Indonesia and is leading in 
most polls - as unreliable as these can be.

The head of his own political party, Gerindra, Prabowo projects decisiveness, 
in contrast to the dithering incumbent.

With talk of ''better-guided democracy'' he prompts voters to reminisce about 
the Suharto era, now viewed by many in rose-coloured retrospect as a time when 
things simply got done without the noise and mess of the present era.

Despite the huge wealth of the family business, which is bankrolling his tilt 
at the presidency, Prabowo styles himself as a simple goat farmer at heart, a 
man of the common people.

But all his hard work and money cannot keep the past from spilling into the 
present.

Several tours of duty in East Timor have led to a number of disputed accounts 
about his involvement in massacres, but it is the chaos surrounding the fall of 
Suharto in 1998 that gave rise to the most serious questions over his character.

As students led the widespread marches against the government that year, 
Prabowo had nine protesters kidnapped and tortured. He has admitted to that, 
and was dishonourably discharged from the army as a result. But he continues to 
deny responsibility for 13 other students who are missing, presumed dead.

Witnesses say Prabowo was active in whipping up anti-Chinese riots that killed 
1000 people and prompted 168 reports of rape.

Prabowo was also accused of massing his troops in Jakarta in preparation for a 
coup against Suharto's successor, B.J. Habibie. Prabowo has regularly said 
since then that he could have launched such a coup but did not because he had 
too much respect for the constitution.

Recently he has added a joke to the patter, saying: ''Now, considering the 
condition of [the country] today, I regret not having done that.''

An Australian Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman said visits to Australia 
by Indonesian politicians ''play an important role'' in fostering mutual 
understanding, but declined to comment on whether Prabowo would be admitted. 
The United States is not so shy: he is on its blacklist.

Governments in both countries are pragmatic enough to lift any travel 
restrictions if Prabowo becomes president, but it does not mean they will like 
it.

Aburizal Bakrie

Bakrie is the second of the top three candidates. But this is less to do with 
his popularity (which is abysmal) than with the fact that he heads the Golkar 
party, the former party of Suharto and still an electoral juggernaut. Bakrie's 
woes come from his manifold and murky business dealings.

At one time the richest man in Indonesia, he has since dropped out of the top 
40, but Bakrie & Brothers, founded on natural resources and property, is still 
a massive enterprise with a market capitalisation of about $10 billion. You do 
not get rich in Indonesia without some skeletons, and Bakrie has at least the 
expected number.

London financier Nathaniel Rothschild tied himself to Bakrie in a business deal 
that went badly wrong and last year he accused the Bakries of ''disappearing'' 
$1 billion from their joint London-listed company, Bumi Resources. Even the 
Bakries agree $US394 million has gone missing.

Twice the Bakrie company has been bailed out of near bankruptcy. It has a 
remarkable ability to avoid paying international debts or local taxes. In an 
argument over tax, Bakrie was accused of paying a $7 million bribe through a 
corrupt official to avoid a much larger settlement and of hounding the 
country's popular and competent finance minister, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, out of 
the country in 2010. She is now a managing director of the World Bank.

But Bakrie's biggest crime in the eyes of ordinary Indonesians is that in 2006 
an entire town in East Java, Sidoarjo, disappeared under the world's biggest 
mud volcano, caused, according to scientific evidence, by negligent drilling by 
a Bakrie-linked company.

The Bakries have since relied on a ruling by the country's Supreme Court to 
argue they were not at fault, but they have agreed to pay compensation to 9000 
desperate and displaced villagers. Despite regular protests from the victims, 
the compensation payment remains $83 million short.

Last year Bakrie visited Australia as part of an attempt to appear 
statesmanlike. Dr Marcus Mietzner, of the Australian National University's 
college of Asia and the Pacific, spent time with him on that trip, saying he 
was ''pretty impressive'' talking to academics and economists because ''he 
enjoys robust intellectual debate with counterparts he considers of equal or 
similar status''.

''But he is clearly uncomfortable when forced to make small talk with farmers 
or fishermen in dirty villages under the scorching sun. That's just not his 
world.''

Megawati Sukarnoputri

The hardy perennial in the faux presidential race is Megawati, the daughter of 
Indonesia's founding president, Sukarno. She regularly polls about 20 per cent, 
but her two failed presidential bids in 2004 and 2009 suggest to most that she 
will never get much above that.

She was widely considered indecisive and unpopular as president between 2001 
and 2004 (she was never elected, but stepped up from vice-president when 
predecessor Abdurrahman Wahid was impeached).

She cannot seem to decide if she wants to run in 2014 for her PDIP party, and 
even her outspoken husband, Taufiq Kiemas, opposes her candidacy. He prefers 
their daughter, Puan Maharani, whom most Indonesians believe is not up to the 
task.

Joko Widodo

On current indications, the most popular politician in Indonesia, and the one 
with the best chance of a runaway win, is the new governor of Jakarta, 
universally known as Jokowi.

Jokowi is the former mayor of Solo in central Java and has been running Jakarta 
- where he confronts the highest expectations and the most entrenched problems 
- only for six months, so he has little record to speak of apart from a popular 
healthcare card and some ideas about reducing flooding.

In his early 40s, he is a generation younger than the Suharto-era hangovers who 
lead the other parties and he's universally regarded as clean of their taint of 
corruption.

But he is a member of Megawati's party, and she may yet be determined to run 
herself. If his public comments are to be trusted, he has no desire for the 
post. Wise heads are urging him to seek the office now while he is still 
popular, and not wait until he is bested by Jakarta's intractable dysfunction.


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