http://www.timesofisrael.com/shock-and-shush-strategy-meant-to-mollify-assad-may-have-run-its-course/

Shock and shush’ strategy, meant to mollify Assad, may have run its course
After three strikes in three months, can Israel continue to keep quiet about 
air raids over Syria in the hope Damascus won’t respond?
By Raphael Ahren May 7, 2013, 1:16 am 3 
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An Israeli pilots sits at the cockpit of his F-15 Eagle fighter jet in an 
Israeli Air Force Base. (photo credit: Yossi Zeliger/Flash90)

On June 7, 1981, eight F-16s destroyed Saddam Hussein’s Osirak nuclear reactor 
in Baghdad. Less than a day later, the government of prime minister Menachem 
Begin acknowledged that the Israel Air Force was behind the attack, acting on 
the imperative to prevent an enemy state from obtaining nuclear weapons. 

In 2013, three airstrikes were carried out in Syria — one on January 30 and two 
over the past weekend — that reportedly destroyed weapons convoys on their way 
to Israel’s enemies in Lebanon. All three attacks were blamed on Israel, but 
the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has maintained radio 
silence. (In February, then-defense minister Ehud Barak hinted at Israeli 
involvement in the earlier strike but stopped short of directly acknowledging 
it.)

The silence seems to be consistent with Jerusalem’s view of the region as an 
unstable powder keg that can explode into war at a moment’s notice. By keeping 
mum, some say Netanyahu is betting that Damascus will take the benefit of the 
doubt and won’t feel compelled to respond.

“Israel was trying to maintain a responsible and thoughtful policy of 
maintaining its deterrence, while at the same time not trying to cause any 
escalation, war, difficulties and turmoil by putting any actor into a corner in 
which they would feel compelled to strike out,” said Dr. Benjamin Molov, who 
teaches international relations and conflict resolution at Bar-Ilan University.

This week, no official dared to so much as insinuate that Israel was behind the 
air raids. Netanyahu told reporters on Monday that he was “prevented” from 
commenting on the issue.

Speaking on Army Radio the same day, Justice Minister Tzipi Livni clammed up 
too. “It isn’t right, it isn’t proper, and it is harmful [to talk about the 
issue], period,” she said. “I am not going to make hints in either direction, 
so don’t ask any questions,” she added, scolding the interviewer for even 
bringing up the topic. “What I’d like to say is that all the noise, all the 
statements and comments, are merely adding tension to a region that is already 
explosive, and therefore I won’t take part in this.”

This policy of ambiguity worked in 2007 when Israel bombed a plutonium nuclear 
reactor deep inside Syria. No one in Jerusalem took credit for the attack. And 
Assad — not yet neck-deep in a civil war — did not respond with force, although 
he knew his reactor was not a casualty of spontaneous combustion.

How long will Israel get away with a military doctrine that has been called 
“shock and shush”? The official silence can only go so far until it becomes a 
charade and Assad knows that everyone knows. After three strikes in three 
months, all the “no comments” in the world won’t shelter Assad from questions 
about why he is not retaliating.

“The real question is, how much humble pie can Assad eat and still keep his 
svelte figure,” Nathan Thrall, an analyst for the International Crisis Group in 
Jerusalem, told The New York Times on Monday.

Netanyahu, too, has found himself under increasing pressure to fess up from 
some quarters.

“One can understand Israel’s assumed initial position that ambiguity could 
reduce the chance of a Syrian response,” Haaretz military correspondent Amos 
Harel wrote. “It’s harder to understand stubbornly sticking to that position 
after the secret is out… The bottom line — if the reports of Israeli 
involvement are correct — is that Israel is now more involved in the Syrian 
civil war than ever, and after three attacks attributed to the Israel Defense 
Forces in three months, Israel is at greater risk of getting pulled into the 
fighting.”

Most Israelis have not feared being dragged into the Syrian civil war, but with 
this becoming more likely with every additional airstrike, Harel argues, 
“wouldn’t it be prudent for the premier to explain to Israelis, if only in 
general terms, what’s going on in the north?”

Two of the men who took part in for Menachem Begin’s decision to acknowledge 
Israel was behind the 1981 strike at Osirak, however, said openness was the 
right choice at that time, and Netanyahu’s silence was the right option today.

“Back then, we decided we’d publicize [that we'd bombed Osirak] if any Arab 
media outlet published it, and that’s exactly what happened,” said Shlomo 
Nakdimon, who was Begin’s media adviser in 1981.

Only US president Ronald Reagan and Egyptian president Anwar Sadat knew about 
the attack in advance, and Jerusalem decided  not to make any statements if 
nobody in the Arab world first blamed Israel. However, mere hours after the 
attack, a Jordanian radio station hinted that Israel blew up the reactor. As 
soon as the cat was out of the bag, Begin himself made the decision to publish 
a statement that had been prepared in advance.

“There was a discussion afterward” about whether it was the right thing to do, 
Nakdimon recalled. “But we’re not going to look like thieves in the night.”

Yet Syria in 2013 is not Iraq in 1981, added Nakdimon, a journalist and 
historian of the state of Israel. Netanyahu, he said, has good reasons for not 
owning up to the airstrikes now.

Begin’s former Cabinet secretary, Professor Aryeh Naor, fully agreed.

“So far it works,” Naor said of Netanyahu’s shock-and-shush tactics.

But will it continue working in the weeks and months to come, as more and more 
sophisticated weapons might be sent on their way to Israel’s enemies, and 
Israel may feel the need to intercept them?

“It’s impossible to know,” said Naor, who chairs the politics and 
communications department at Hadassah Academic College Jerusalem. “But in the 
mean time, it’s like the Americans say: if it’s not broken, don’t fix it.”


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