http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/how-the-united-states-russia-arrived-at-deal-on-syrias-chemical-weapons/2013/09/15/c851cd1e-1e5b-11e3-8459-657e0c72fec8_story.html?wpisrc=nl_headlines


How the United States, Russia arrived at deal on Syria’s chemical weapons
 
Martial Trezzini/AP - U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, left, and Russian 
Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, right, deliver statements in Geneva, 
Switzerland, on Saturday.

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By Karen DeYoung, Published: September 16 E-mail the writers 
By midday Friday in Geneva, progress had been made in nearly round-the-clock 
meetings between U.S. and Russian negotiators and experts on Syria’s chemical 
weapons, but it was not enough.

Although the two sides were close to agreement on the size and location of the 
Syrian arsenal, they remained far apart on other issues, including how to 
collect and destroy the weapons. It was clear that the Russians would not agree 
to a U.N. Security Council resolution that authorized an automatic use of force 
if the Syrians reneged on any deal.



And Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov was packing up to go home that night.

As the two sides gathered at the table after lunch, Secretary of State John F. 
Kerry successfully appealed to Lavrov, saying that he and his team would stay 
as long as it took. He would talk into the night, he said. He would get up as 
early as necessary the next day.

According to a State Department official’s account of the negotiations, which 
began Thursday evening and ended Saturday afternoon with a framework accord to 
secure and eliminate Syria’s chemical weapons, it was a deal that almost did 
not happen.

In the end, the deal was written entirely by the U.S. side. The Russians agreed 
to it in an impromptu poolside conversation between Kerry, Lavrov and their 
deputies, who dragged over chairs to join them. Kerry made final edits to the 
draft on an iPad in his hotel room.

The version of events offered Sunday by the senior State Department official, 
who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the closed-door 
conversations, was both riveting and self-serving. Russian officials offered no 
recounting of their own, except to emphasize that the deal was their idea, 
discussed in general terms over the past year but not seriously addressed until 
they proposed it last week. 

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who had no representative in Geneva, was 
similarly closemouthed. In an interview with RIA Novosti, the Russian news 
agency, Syrian National Reconciliation Minister Ali Haidar said the agreement 
would “help Syrians come out of the crisis” and had “prevented the war against 
Syria by having removed a pretext for those who wanted to unleash it.”

In Moscow, the Foreign Ministry refused to comment on the course of the Geneva 
talks, but the newspaper Kommersant reported that the Russian delegation was 
unsure until almost the end whether the United States would accept 
international control of Syria’s chemical weapons. If Kerry had balked, the 
effort would likely have collapsed. 

The Russian press portrayed the agreement as a diplomatic triumph for Russia, 
though noting that the outcome was beneficial to the United States and 
President Obama as well. 

Not everyone agreed. 

“It is Putin and not Obama at all who is applauded for prevention of the war in 
Syria,” Alexei Pushkov, head of the foreign affairs committee of the lower 
house of parliament, wrote in a tweet. “Half the world backed Russia in this 
tug-of-war with the United States.”

Nikolai Zlobin, a political analyst, was quoted in the Vedomosti newspaper as 
saying that, having shouldered responsibility for the agreement on Syria, 
“Russia will have a lot on its plate.”

Another newspaper, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, said Saturday’s agreement could turn 
out to be the turning point in the Syrian crisis.

Kommersant said the three days of talks will one day be treated as chapters in 
History of Diplomacy courses. 



The broad-brush accord left many gaps, and the coming week will indicate 
whether it has the potential to quickly eliminate Syria’s weapons, whether it 
has definitively ended the threat of U.S. military intervention and whether it 
has any bearing on the Syrian civil war, now in its third year.

But as told by the senior U.S. official, the United States and Russia — each 
backing a different side in the conflict — have recommitted themselves to 
trying to end the war.

Kerry spent Thursday afternoon in Geneva huddled with aides and the group of 
weapons experts who had flown across the Atlantic with him. “There was 
agreement that we would not accept just any deal,” the senior official said. 
“We had to pass a bar that included timelines, specifics and a path to the 
U.N., and we had to be able to sell it to the rest of the world and to the 
United States Congress.”

Before their first meeting Thursday evening, Kerry and Lavrov held a news 
conference. Kerry made a lengthy speech, outlining U.S. goals for the talks. 
Lavrov, to the surprise of the U.S. team, said little.

While Kerry and Lavrov dined on fish and salad, the U.S. team came out of an 
initial session with their Russian counterparts “feeling both sides were 
talking past each other and we needed to figure out a different way to break 
through. This wasn’t going to work on the current path.”

The two sides were “miles away” from each other on their assessments of the 
size of the weapons stockpiles. The team called in intelligence analysts from 
both sides, who sat down to thrash out their differences. 

After the Russians left, the U.S. team concluded in a late-night meeting that 
the fact that Lavrov had provided only a two-page document of Russia’s ideas 
was an opportunity for the Americans to drive the discussions. Working groups 
were assigned to write proposals on a timeline, how procedures outlined in the 
international Chemical Weapons Convention could be used as a template and how 
any accord could be guaranteed by a Security Council resolution that would not 
be met with an automatic Russian veto.

While Kerry and Lavrov met with U.N. envoy Lakhdar Brahimi on Friday morning, 
the technical teams narrowed their difference on the scale of the stockpile. 
“There was agreement from both sides that a deliverable from the conference 
would be a framework document” that the U.S. delegation agreed to write while 
experts worked to plug additional holes of disagreement, the senior official 
said.

But when working groups convened after lunch, “there were rumors and threats 
that the Russians would leave at 10 p.m. that evening,” the official said.

As Kerry appealed to Lavrov, he mentioned a breaking story in the media. U.N. 
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, meeting with a women’s group in New York, had 
been quoted as saying that U.N. inspectors who had investigated an alleged Aug. 
21 chemical attack outside Damascus had significant evidence that it had taken 
place and that it was massive, and would report their findings to the Security 
Council on Monday.

The Americans “sensed a small shift on the Russian side,” the official said, 
and Lavrov left the meeting, saying he was going to the nearby Russian Embassy 
for consultations with Moscow. He returned and said he would stay for an 
additional meeting the next day.

After the framework agreement was announced Saturday, the official said, Kerry 
got a congratulatory call on his cellphone from Obama as he took a walk in the 
hills overlooking Lake Geneva.



Will Englund in Moscow contributed to this report.

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