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http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/nov/29/saudi-arabia-foreign-labour-crackdown-migrants

Saudi Arabia's foreign labour crackdown drives out 2m migrants
Ethiopian workers face hostility amid 'Saudisation' campaign to control 
foreign labour and get more Saudi citizens into work

Ian Black in Riyadh

theguardian.com, Friday 29 November 2013 12.52 GMT
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Foreign workers waiting to be deported in Riyadh. Photograph: EPA
Under the watchful eyes of Saudi policemen slouched in their squad cars 
along a rundown street, little knots of Ethiopian men sit chatting on 
doorsteps and sprawl on threadbare grass at one of Riyadh's busiest 
junctions. These are tense, wary times in Manfouha, a few minutes' drive 
from the capital's glittering towers and swanky shopping malls.

Manfouha is the bleak frontline in Saudi Arabia's campaign to get rid of 
its illegal foreign workers, control the legal ones and help get more of 
its own citizens into work. This month two or three Ethiopians were killed 
here after a raid erupted into full-scale rioting.

Keeping their distance from the officers parked every few hundred metres, 
the Ethiopians look shifty and sound nervous. "Of course I have an iqama 
[residence permit]," insisted Ali, a gaunt twentysomething man in cheap 
leather jacket and jeans. "I wouldn't be standing here if I hadn't."

But he didn't have the document on him. And his story, in broken Arabic, 
kept changing: he was in the process of applying for one; actually, no, 
his kafeel (sponsor) had it. It didn't sound as if it would convince the 
police or passport inspection teams prowling the neighbourhood.

Until recently, of the kingdom's 30 million residents, more than nine 
million were non-Saudis. Since the labour crackdown started in March, one 
million Bangladeshis, Indians, Filipinos, Nepalis, Pakistanis and Yemenis 
have left. And the campaign has moved into higher gear after the final 
deadline expired on 4 November, with dozens of repatriation flights now 
taking place every day. By next year, two million migrants will have gone.

No one is being singled out, the authorities say. Illegal workers of 14 
nationalities have been detained and are awaiting deportation. But the 
Ethiopians, many of whom originally crossed into Saudi Arabia from Yemen, 
are widely portrayed as criminals who are said to be mixed up with alcohol 
and prostitution. "They'd rather sit here and do nothing than go home 
because maybe they will get some kind of work," sneered Adel, one of the 
few Saudis to brave Manfouha's mean streets. "In Ethiopia there is nothing 
for them."

 Ethiopian men in Manfouha, southern Riyadh. Photograph: AP The Ethiopian 
government said this week that 50,000 of its nationals had already been 
sent home, with the total expected to rise to 80,000. Every day hundreds 
more trudge through the gates of the heavily guarded campus of Riyadh's 
Princess Noora University, awaiting a coach ride to the airport, 
fingerprinting, a final exit visa and their one-way flight to Addis Ababa.

Incidents involving Ethiopians are reported almost obsessively on Twitter 
and YouTube and across mainstream media outlets. Ethiopians complain in 
turn of being robbed and beaten, and of routine abuse and mistreatment by 
their Saudi employers. Protests have been held outside Saudi embassies in 
several countries. Prejudice is so rife that the Ethiopian ambassador had 
to insist that the Muslim or Christian beliefs of his compatriots 
prevented them from practising sorcery.

Yet other foreign workers show little sympathy or solidarity. "These 
people believe this is their country," said Mohamed, a Bangladeshi who 
runs a petrol station in the centre of Manfouha. "They are big trouble, 
and dangerous. I've seen them carrying long knives."

Mokhtar, a Somali, had no problem with them. "I'm not afraid of the 
Ethiopians because we are neighbours," he grinned. "But the Saudis are. I 
have heard the stories about them breaking into houses and I've seen them 
smashing up cars on this road." Ansar, another Ethiopian who blamed his 
boss for withholding his iqama, condemned his violent compatriots as 
kuffar – infidels.

Saudi Arabia's addiction to cheap foreign labour goes back to the oil boom 
and religious awakening of the mid-1970s. In recent years it has come to 
be seen as an enormous problem that distorts the economy and keeps young 
people out of the labour market. But the government turned a blind eye and 
little happened until March. And it remains to be seen whether the 
notorious kafala (sponsorship) system – responsible for many abuses – can 
be reformed or replaced. Saudis say one of the biggest problems is 
foreigners who have fled their original kafeel and effectively 
disappeared.

"We will need two decades to get back to where we were in the 1970s," 
predicted Turki al-Hamad, a writer who grew up in the eastern city of 
Dammam, where Saudis used to work in the Aramco oilfields. "We are better 
off economically than we were then, but much worse off socially."

 Foreign workers wait with their belongings before boarding police buses 
in Riyadh. Photograph: Fayez Nureldine/AFP/Getty Images The 
"regularisation" campaign has had some unintended though probably 
predictable consequences. The sudden acceleration of departures, both 
voluntary and forced, has left building sites deserted and corpses 
unwashed. Some schools have closed due to an absence of caretakers. In 
Jeddah a septic tank overflowed disastrously because the cleaners had all 
fled after hearing word of an impending police raid. Rubbish is piling up 
everywhere. In Medina undocumented foreigners dressed up in robes to blend 
in and avoid attention.

"Two friends of mine were arrested in a furniture shop," said Mohamed 
Shafi, a driver from Kerala in India. "Their kafeel said it was too 
expensive to regularise their status so he sacked them. Now they are in a 
detention centre and there's no way to contact them."

Middle-class Saudis bemoan the sudden disappearance of their maids and 
drivers (an economic necessity for women, who are banned from driving) and 
find themselves sucked into a costly labyrinth if they try to intervene. 
"I had to use the black market and I've paid 100,000 riyals [£16,000]) to 
regularise my workers," complained a British manager. Embassies are being 
overwhelmed by nationals frantically seeking the documents they need to 
allow them to leave the country. "You could see this was a disaster 
waiting to happen," said another European resident. "It just wasn't 
thought through. It's all about incompetence."

In the long term the expulsions should help the wider "Saudisation" 
programme, based on the nitaqat or quotas for employing Saudis in certain 
sectors depending on the size of the enterprise. But this is not only 
about the menial work that pampered Saudis refuse to do. Hundreds of 
thousands of Europeans, Lebanese, Syrians and Egyptians work in the 
private sector. According to the latest figures from the IMF, 1.5m of the 
2m new jobs created in the last four years went to non-Saudis. Entire 
areas of the economy are controlled by foreigners.

Oil prices are still high and growth enviably healthy but everyone knows 
that the vast state sector – providing jobs for the boys, if not for the 
girls – will have to shrink in years to come. Officially unemployment is 
already 12%; it is probably more than twice that among the two-thirds of 
the population who are under 30. Every year about 100,000 graduates enter 
the job market. Technical colleges are now providing vocational training.

"Saudisation can only succeed if a company really wants to do it," argued 
Abdelrahman al-Mutlak, a businessman. "It can't be done by regulation. Too 
many Saudis still think it's a lot more prestigious to hire a foreigner 
even if there is perfectly good Saudi candidate available."

 An Ethiopian worker argues with a member of the Saudi security forces in 
Manfouha. Photograph: Reuters Economists point out that with fewer foreign 
workers sending remittances home, more money will stay in the country and 
help boost consumer spending. Official accounts of the expulsion campaign 
have an almost apologetic tone and stress the efforts the security forces 
are making and the difficulties they face. But the Saudi Twittersphere 
echoes to complaints that Prince Mohammed Bin Nayef, the interior minister 
(and a likely future king) has been too soft on what one angry tweet 
called "criminal gangs of Ethio-Israelis".

It seems clear that the public is cheering on the government on the 
foreign labour issue. "It is the right thing to do," said Fawziya al-Bakr, 
a lecturer. "We've reached the point where people were trading in these 
workers and women were running away to become prostitutes. This is a 
problem that has built up over 40 years. It can't just be swept up in nine 
months. But it has to be done. When everything is legalised it will be 
easier to control."

For Kamel, a Shia businessman from Qatif, in the Eastern province, the 
expulsions are long overdue. "These people live in ghettoes run by 
gangsters," he said. "If they are not here legally we don't want them. It 
just creates problems. They had a period of grace but didn't do anything 
about it. In Manfouha the Ethiopians started attacking the properties of 
Pakistanis and Afghans. That was a big mistake. The government says it can 
solve this problem – so it's really acting tough."

Abuses and exploitation
More than eight million migrant workers in Saudi Arabia – more than half 
the entire workforce – fill manual, clerical, and service jobs. "Many 
suffer abuses and labour exploitation, sometimes amounting to slavery-like 
conditions," says Human Rights Watch.

The kafala system ties foreign workers' residency permits to sponsoring 
employers whose consent is required for workers to change jobs or leave 
the country. A Pakistani man employed as a driver, for example, needs 
permission to work in a shop. Employers often abuse this power in 
violation of Saudi law to confiscate passports, withhold wages and force 
migrants to work against their will or on exploitative terms.

Thousands work illegally under the so-called "free visa" arrangement, with 
Saudis posing as sponsoring employers and importing workers to staff 
fictitious businesses. Workers who enter Saudi Arabia under this scheme 
work outside the regulatory system for companies and businesses that are 
happy to avoid official scrutiny while the worker pays often extortionate 
annual and monthly fees to the free-visa sponsor to renew residency and 
work permits.

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